Speech Transcript:

My Countrymen:

It is a relief to feel that no heart but my own can know the personal
regret and bitter sorrow over which I have been borne to a position so
suitable for others rather than desirable for myself.

The circumstances under which I have been called for a limited period
to preside over the destinies of the Republic fill me with a profound
sense of responsibility, but with nothing like shrinking
apprehension. I repair to the post assigned me not as to one sought,
but in obedience to the unsolicited expression of your will,
answerable only for a fearless, faithful, and diligent exercise of my
best powers. I ought to be, and am, truly grateful for the rare
manifestation of the nation's confidence; but this, so far from
lightening my obligations, only adds to their weight. You have
summoned me in my weakness; you must sustain me by your strength.
When looking for the fulfillment of reasonable requirements, you will
not be unmindful of the great changes which have occurred, even within
the last quarter of a century, and the consequent augmentation and
complexity of duties imposed in the administration both of your home
and foreign affairs.

Whether the elements of inherent force in the Republic have kept pace
with its unparalleled progression in territory, population, and wealth
has been the subject of earnest thought and discussion on both sides
of the ocean. Less than sixty-four years ago the Father of his
Country made "the" then "recent accession of the important State of
North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States" one of the
subjects of his special congratulation. At that moment, however, when
the agitation consequent upon the Revolutionary struggle had hardly
subsided, when we were just emerging from the weakness and
embarrassments of the Confederation, there was an evident
consciousness of vigor equal to the great mission so wisely and
bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was not a presumptuous
assurance, but a calm faith, springing from a clear view of the
sources of power in a government constituted like ours. It is no
paradox to say that although comparatively weak the new-born nation
was intrinsically strong. Inconsiderable in population and apparent
resources, it was upheld by a broad and intelligent comprehension of
rights and an all-pervading purpose to maintain them, stronger than
armaments. It came from the furnace of the Revolution, tempered to
the necessities of the times. The thoughts of the men of that day
were as practical as their sentiments were patriotic. They wasted no
portion of their energies upon idle and delusive speculations, but
with a firm and fearless step advanced beyond the governmental
landmarks which had hitherto circumscribed the limits of human
freedom and planted their standard, where it has stood against
dangers which have threatened from abroad, and internal agitation,
which has at times fearfully menaced at home. They proved themselves
equal to the solution of the great problem, to understand which their
minds had been illuminated by the dawning lights of the Revolution.
The object sought was not a thing dreamed of; it was a thing
realized. They had exhibited only the power to achieve, but, what all
history affirms to be so much more unusual, the capacity to maintain.
The oppressed throughout the world from that day to the present have
turned their eyes hitherward, not to find those lights extinguished
or to fear lest they should wane, but to be constantly cheered by
their steady and increasing radiance.

In this our country has, in my judgment, thus far fulfilled its
highest duty to suffering humanity. It has spoken and will continue
to speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, the language of
sympathy, encouragement, and hope to those who earnestly listen to
tones which pronounce for the largest rational liberty. But after
all, the most animating encouragement and potent appeal for freedom
will be its own history--its trials and its triumphs. Preeminently,
the power of our advocacy reposes in our example; but no example, be
it remembered, can be powerful for lasting good, whatever apparent
advantages may be gained, which is not based upon eternal principles
of right and justice. Our fathers decided for themselves, both upon
the hour to declare and the hour to strike. They were their own
judges of the circumstances under which it became them to pledge to
each other "their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor" for
the acquisition of the priceless inheritance transmitted to us. The
energy with which that great conflict was opened and, under the
guidance of a manifest and beneficent Providence the uncomplaining
endurance with which it was prosecuted to its consummation were only
surpassed by the wisdom and patriotic spirit of concession which
characterized all the counsels of the early fathers.

One of the most impressive evidences of that wisdom is to be found in
the fact that the actual working of our system has dispelled a degree
of solicitude which at the outset disturbed bold hearts and
far-reaching intellects. The apprehension of dangers from extended
territory, multiplied States, accumulated wealth, and augmented
population has proved to be unfounded. The stars upon your banner
have become nearly threefold their original number; your densely
populated possessions skirt the shores of the two great oceans; and
yet this vast increase of people and territory has not only shown
itself compatible with the harmonious action of the States and
Federal Government in their respective constitutional spheres, but
has afforded an additional guaranty of the strength and integrity of
both.

With an experience thus suggestive and cheering, the policy of my
Administration will not be controlled by any timid forebodings of
evil from expansion. Indeed, it is not to be disguised that our
attitude as a nation and our position on the globe render the
acquisition of certain possessions not within our jurisdiction
eminently important for our protection, if not in the future
essential for the preservation of the rights of commerce and the
peace of the world. Should they be obtained, it will be through no
grasping spirit, but with a view to obvious national interest and
security, and in a manner entirely consistent with the strictest
observance of national faith. We have nothing in our history or
position to invite aggression; we have everything to beckon us to the
cultivation of relations of peace and amity with all nations.
Purposes, therefore, at once just and pacific will be significantly
marked in the conduct of our foreign affairs. I intend that my
Administration shall leave no blot upon our fair record, and trust I
may safely give the assurance that no act within the legitimate scope
of my constitutional control will be tolerated on the part of any
portion of our citizens which can not challenge a ready justification
before the tribunal of the civilized world. An Administration would be
unworthy of confidence at home or respect abroad should it cease to be
influenced by the conviction that no apparent advantage can be
purchased at a price so dear as that of national wrong or dishonor.
It is not your privilege as a nation to speak of a distant past. The
striking incidents of your history, replete with instruction and
furnishing abundant grounds for hopeful confidence, are comprised in
a period comparatively brief. But if your past is limited, your
future is boundless. Its obligations throng the unexplored pathway of
advancement, and will be limitless as duration. Hence a sound and
comprehensive policy should embrace not less the distant future than
the urgent present.

The great objects of our pursuit as a people are best to be attained
by peace, and are entirely consistent with the tranquillity and
interests of the rest of mankind. With the neighboring nations upon
our continent we should cultivate kindly and fraternal relations. We
can desire nothing in regard to them so much as to see them
consolidate their strength and pursue the paths of prosperity and
happiness. If in the course of their growth we should open new
channels of trade and create additional facilities for friendly
intercourse, the benefits realized will be equal and mutual. Of the
complicated European systems of national polity we have heretofore
been independent. From their wars, their tumults, and anxieties we
have been, happily, almost entirely exempt. Whilst these are confined
to the nations which gave them existence, and within their legitimate
jurisdiction, they can not affect us except as they appeal to our
sympathies in the cause of human freedom and universal advancement.
But the vast interests of commerce are common to all mankind, and the
advantages of trade and international intercourse must always present
a noble field for the moral influence of a great people.

With these views firmly and honestly carried out, we have a right to
expect, and shall under all circumstances require, prompt
reciprocity. The rights which belong to us as a nation are not alone
to be regarded, but those which pertain to every citizen in his
individual capacity, at home and abroad, must be sacredly maintained.
So long as he can discern every star in its place upon that ensign,
without wealth to purchase for him preferment or title to secure for
him place, it will be his privilege, and must be his acknowledged
right, to stand unabashed even in the presence of princes, with a
proud consciousness that he is himself one of a nation of sovereigns
and that he can not in legitimate pursuit wander so far from home
that the agent whom he shall leave behind in the place which I now
occupy will not see that no rude hand of power or tyrannical passion
is laid upon him with impunity. He must realize that upon every sea
and on every soil where our enterprise may rightfully seek the
protection of our flag American citizenship is an inviolable panoply
for the security of American rights. And in this connection it can
hardly be necessary to reaffirm a principle which should now be
regarded as fundamental. The rights, security, and repose of this
Confederacy reject the idea of interference or colonization on this
side of the ocean by any foreign power beyond present jurisdiction as
utterly inadmissible.

The opportunities of observation furnished by my brief experience as
a soldier confirmed in my own mind the opinion, entertained and acted
upon by others from the formation of the Government, that the
maintenance of large standing armies in our country would be not only
dangerous, but unnecessary. They also illustrated the importance--I
might well say the absolute necessity--of the military science and
practical skill furnished in such an eminent degree by the
institution which has made your Army what it is, under the discipline
and instruction of officers not more distinguished for their solid
attainments, gallantry, and devotion to the public service than for
unobtrusive bearing and high moral tone. The Army as organized must
be the nucleus around which in every time of need the strength of
your military power, the sure bulwark of your defense--a national
militia--may be readily formed into a well-disciplined and efficient
organization. And the skill and self-devotion of the Navy assure you
that you may take the performance of the past as a pledge for the
future, and may confidently expect that the flag which has waved its
untarnished folds over every sea will still float in undiminished
honor. But these, like many other subjects, will be appropriately
brought at a future time to the attention of the coordinate branches
of the Government, to which I shall always look with profound respect
and with trustful confidence that they will accord to me the aid and
support which I shall so much need and which their experience and
wisdom will readily suggest.

In the administration of domestic affairs you expect a devoted
integrity in the public service and an observance of rigid economy in
all departments, so marked as never justly to be questioned. If this
reasonable expectation be not realized, I frankly confess that one of
your leading hopes is doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts in
a very important particular must result in a humiliating failure.
Offices can be properly regarded only in the light of aids for the
accomplishment of these objects, and as occupancy can confer no
prerogative nor importunate desire for preferment any claim, the
public interest imperatively demands that they be considered with
sole reference to the duties to be performed. Good citizens may well
claim the protection of good laws and the benign influence of good
government, but a claim for office is what the people of a republic
should never recognize. No reasonable man of any party will expect
the Administration to be so regardless of its responsibility and of
the obvious elements of success as to retain persons known to be
under the influence of political hostility and partisan prejudice in
positions which will require not only severe labor, but cordial
cooperation. Having no implied engagements to ratify, no rewards to
bestow, no resentments to remember, and no personal wishes to consult
in selections for official station, I shall fulfill this difficult and
delicate trust, admitting no motive as worthy either of my character
or position which does not contemplate an efficient discharge of duty
and the best interests of my country. I acknowledge my obligations to
the masses of my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher objects than
personal aggrandizement gave direction and energy to their exertions
in the late canvass, and they shall not be disappointed. They require
at my hands diligence, integrity, and capacity wherever there are
duties to be performed. Without these qualities in their public
servants, more stringent laws for the prevention or punishment of
fraud, negligence, and peculation will be vain. With them they will
be unnecessary.

But these are not the only points to which you look for vigilant
watchfulness. The dangers of a concentration of all power in the
general government of a confederacy so vast as ours are too obvious
to be disregarded. You have a right, therefore, to expect your agents
in every department to regard strictly the limits imposed upon them by
the Constitution of the United States. The great scheme of our
constitutional liberty rests upon a proper distribution of power
between the State and Federal authorities, and experience has shown
that the harmony and happiness of our people must depend upon a just
discrimination between the separate rights and responsibilities of
the States and your common rights and obligations under the General
Government; and here, in my opinion, are the considerations which
should form the true basis of future concord in regard to the
questions which have most seriously disturbed public tranquillity. If
the Federal Government will confine itself to the exercise of powers
clearly granted by the Constitution, it can hardly happen that its
action upon any question should endanger the institutions of the
States or interfere with their right to manage matters strictly
domestic according to the will of their own people.

In expressing briefly my views upon an important subject rich has
recently agitated the nation to almost a fearful degree, I am moved
by no other impulse than a most earnest desire for the perpetuation
of that Union which has made us what we are, showering upon us
blessings and conferring a power and influence which our fathers
could hardly have anticipated, even with their most sanguine hopes
directed to a far-off future. The sentiments I now announce were not
unknown before the expression of the voice which called me here. My
own position upon this subject was clear and unequivocal, upon the
record of my words and my acts, and it is only recurred to at this
time because silence might perhaps be misconstrued. With the Union my
best and dearest earthly hopes are entwined. Without it what are we
individually or collectively? What becomes of the noblest field ever
opened for the advancement of our race in religion, in government, in
the arts, and in all that dignifies and adorns mankind? From that
radiant constellation which both illumines our own way and points out
to struggling nations their course, let but a single star be lost,
and, if these be not utter darkness, the luster of the whole is
dimmed. Do my countrymen need any assurance that such a catastrophe
is not to overtake them while I possess the power to stay it? It is
with me an earnest and vital belief that as the Union has been the
source, under Providence, of our prosperity to this time, so it is
the surest pledge of a continuance of the blessings we have enjoyed,
and which we are sacredly bound to transmit undiminished to our
children. The field of calm and free discussion in our country is
open, and will always be so, but never has been and never can be
traversed for good in a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness.
The founders of the Republic dealt with things as they were presented
to them, in a spirit of self-sacrificing patriotism, and, as time has
proved, with a comprehensive wisdom which it will always be safe for
us to consult. Every measure tending to strengthen the fraternal
feelings of all the members of our Union has had my heartfelt
approbation. To every theory of society or government, whether the
offspring of feverish ambition or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to
dissolve the bonds of law and affection which unite us, I shall
interpose a ready and stern resistance. I believe that involuntary
servitude, as it exists in different States of this Confederacy, is
recognized by the Constitution. I believe that it stands like any
other admitted right, and that the States where it exists are
entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional
provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the
"compromise measures," are strictly constitutional and to be
unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted
authorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of the
South in this respect as they would view any other legal and
constitutional right, and that the laws to enforce them should be
respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract
opinions as to their propriety in a different state of society, but
cheerfully and according to the decisions of the tribunal to which
their exposition belongs. Such have been, and are, my convictions,
and upon them I shall act. I fervently hope that the question is at
rest, and that no sectional or ambitious or fanatical excitement may
again threaten the durability of our institutions or obscure the
light of our prosperity.

But let not the foundation of our hope rest upon man's wisdom. It
will not be sufficient that sectional prejudices find no place in the
public deliberations. It will not be sufficient that the rash counsels
of human passion are rejected. It must be felt that there is no
national security but in the nation's humble, acknowledged dependence
upon God and His overruling providence.

We have been carried in safety through a perilous crisis. Wise
counsels, like those which gave us the Constitution, prevailed to
uphold it. Let the period be remembered as an admonition, and not as
an encouragement, in any section of the Union, to make experiments
where experiments are fraught with such fearful hazard. Let it be
impressed upon all hearts that, beautiful as our fabric is, no
earthly power or wisdom could ever reunite its broken fragments.
Standing, as I do, almost within view of the green slopes of
Monticello, and, as it were, within reach of the tomb of Washington,
with all the cherished memories of the past gathering around me like
so many eloquent voices of exhortation from heaven, I can express no
better hope for my country than that the kind Providence which smiled
upon our fathers may enable their children to preserve the blessings
they have inherited.