Speech Transcript:

My Countrymen:

No one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that
is satisfying and still more that is encouraging. Our own country is
leading the world in the general readjustment to the results of the
great conflict. Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for
years, and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to
experience for some time. But we are beginning to comprehend more
definitely what course should be pursued, what remedies ought to be
applied, what actions should be taken for our deliverance, and are
clearly manifesting a determined will faithfully and conscientiously
to adopt these methods of relief. Already we have sufficiently
rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence has returned,
business has revived, and we appear to be entering an era of
prosperity which is gradually reaching into every part of the Nation.
Realizing that we can not live unto ourselves alone, we have
contributed of our resources and our counsel to the relief of the
suffering and the settlement of the disputes among the European
nations. Because of what America is and what America has done, a
firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the heart of all humanity.

These results have not occurred by mere chance. They have been
secured by a constant and enlightened effort marked by many
sacrifices and extending over many generations. We can not continue
these brilliant successes in the future, unless we continue to learn
from the past. It is necessary to keep the former experiences of our
country both at home and abroad continually before us, if we are to
have any science of government. If we wish to erect new structures,
we must have a definite knowledge of the old foundations. We must
realize that human nature is about the most constant thing in the
universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not change.
We must frequently take our bearings from these fixed stars of our
political firmament if we expect to hold a true course. If we examine
carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what
we can do.

We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since
our national consciousness first asserted itself by unmistakable
action with an array of force. The old sentiment of detached and
dependent colonies disappeared in the new sentiment of a united and
independent Nation. Men began to discard the narrow confines of a
local charter for the broader opportunities of a national
constitution. Under the eternal urge of freedom we became an
independent Nation. A little less than 50 years later that freedom
and independence were reasserted in the face of all the world, and
guarded, supported, and secured by the Monroe doctrine. The narrow
fringe of States along the Atlantic seaboard advanced its frontiers
across the hills and plains of an intervening continent until it
passed down the golden slope to the Pacific. We made freedom a
birthright. We extended our domain over distant islands in order to
safeguard our own interests and accepted the consequent obligation to
bestow justice and liberty upon less favored peoples. In the defense
of our own ideals and in the general cause of liberty we entered the
Great War. When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew to our
own shores unrecompensed save in the consciousness of duty done.

Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we
have strengthened our independence. We have been, and propose to be,
more and more American. We believe that we can best serve our own
country and most successfully discharge our obligations to humanity
by continuing to be openly and candidly, intensely and scrupulously,
American. If we have any heritage, it has been that. If we have any
destiny, we have found it in that direction.

But if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we must
continue to make that term comprehensive enough to embrace the
legitimate desires of a civilized and enlightened people determined
in all their relations to pursue a conscientious and religious life.
We can not permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and
phrases. It is not the adjective, but the substantive, which is of
real importance. It is not the name of the action, but the result of
the action, which is the chief concern. It will be well not to be too
much disturbed by the thought of either isolation or entanglement of
pacifists and militarists. The physical configuration of the earth
has separated us from all of the Old World, but the common
brotherhood of man, the highest law of all our being, has united us
by inseparable bonds with all humanity. Our country represents
nothing but peaceful intentions toward all the earth, but it ought
not to fail to maintain such a military force as comports with the
dignity and security of a great people. It ought to be a balanced
force, intensely modern, capable of defense by sea and land, beneath
the surface and in the air. But it should be so conducted that all
the world may see in it, not a menace, but an instrument of security
and peace.

This Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under which the
rights of its citizens are to be everywhere protected. It has never
found that the necessary enjoyment of such a peace could be
maintained only by a great and threatening array of arms. In common
with other nations, it is now more determined than ever to promote
peace through friendliness and good will, through mutual
understandings and mutual forbearance. We have never practiced the
policy of competitive armaments. We have recently committed ourselves
by covenants with the other great nations to a limitation of our sea
power. As one result of this, our Navy ranks larger, in comparison,
than it ever did before. Removing the burden of expense and jealousy,
which must always accrue from a keen rivalry, is one of the most
effective methods of diminishing that unreasonable hysteria and
misunderstanding which are the most potent means of fomenting war.
This policy represents a new departure in the world. It is a thought,
an ideal, which has led to an entirely new line of action. It will not
be easy to maintain. Some never moved from their old positions, some
are constantly slipping back to the old ways of thought and the old
action of seizing a musket and relying on force. America has taken
the lead in this new direction, and that lead America must continue
to hold. If we expect others to rely on our fairness and justice we
must show that we rely on their fairness and justice.

If we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be hoped for
in international relations from frequent conferences and
consultations. We have before us the beneficial results of the
Washington conference and the various consultations recently held
upon European affairs, some of which were in response to our
suggestions and in some of which we were active participants. Even
the failures can not but be accounted useful and an immeasurable
advance over threatened or actual warfare. I am strongly in favor of
continuation of this policy, whenever conditions are such that there
is even a promise that practical and favorable results might be
secured.

In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than
a threat of force should be the determining factor in the intercourse
among nations, we have long advocated the peaceful settlement of
disputes by methods of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties
to secure that result. The same considerations should lead to our
adherence to the Permanent Court of International Justice. Where
great principles are involved, where great movements are under way
which promise much for the welfare of humanity by reason of the very
fact that many other nations have given such movements their actual
support, we ought not to withhold our own sanction because of any
small and inessential difference, but only upon the ground of the
most important and compelling fundamental reasons. We can not barter
away our independence or our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in
no refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue
away the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its
numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership
in the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval
and to bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and
disinterested attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the
administration of even-handed justice between nation and nation. The
weight of our enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a
reign not of force but of law and trial, not by battle but by
reason.

We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of
any other countries. Especially are we determined not to become
implicated in the political controversies of the Old World. With a
great deal of hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to
maintain order, protect life and property, and establish responsible
government in some of the small countries of the Western Hemisphere.
Our private citizens have advanced large sums of money to assist in
the necessary financing and relief of the Old World. We have not
failed, nor shall we fail to respond, whenever necessary to mitigate
human suffering and assist in the rehabilitation of distressed
nations. These, too, are requirements which must be met by reason of
our vast powers and the place we hold in the world.

Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a
formula for permanent peace. Undoubtedly the clarification of the
principles of international law would be helpful, and the efforts of
scholars to prepare such a work for adoption by the various nations
should have our sympathy and support. Much may be hoped for from the
earnest studies of those who advocate the outlawing of aggressive
war. But all these plans and preparations, these treaties and
covenants, will not of themselves be adequate. One of the greatest
dangers to peace lies in the economic pressure to which people find
themselves subjected. One of the most practical things to be done in
the world is to seek arrangements under which such pressure may be
removed, so that opportunity may be renewed and hope may be revived.
There must be some assurance that effort and endeavor will be
followed by success and prosperity. In the making and financing of
such adjustments there is not only an opportunity, but a real duty,
for America to respond with her counsel and her resources. Conditions
must be provided under which people can make a living and work out of
their difficulties. But there is another element, more important than
all, without which there can not be the slightest hope of a permanent
peace. That element lies in the heart of humanity. Unless the desire
for peace be cherished there, unless this fundamental and only
natural source of brotherly love be cultivated to its highest degree,
all artificial efforts will be in vain. Peace will come when there is
realization that only under a reign of law, based on righteousness
and supported by the religious conviction of the brotherhood of man,
can there be any hope of a complete and satisfying life. Parchment
will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the spiritual nature of
man that can be triumphant.

It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to these
important objects by maintaining our position of political detachment
and independence. We are not identified with any Old World interests.
This position should be made more and more clear in our relations
with all foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them. Our
program is never to oppress, but always to assist. But while we do
justice to others, we must require that justice be done to us. With
us a treaty of peace means peace, and a treaty of amity means amity.
We have made great contributions to the settlement of contentious
differences in both Europe and Asia. But there is a very definite
point beyond which we can not go. We can only help those who help
themselves. Mindful of these limitations, the one great duty that
stands out requires us to use our enormous powers to trim the balance
of the world.

While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have
done abroad, we must remember that our continued success in that
direction depends upon what we do at home. Since its very outset, it
has been found necessary to conduct our Government by means of
political parties. That system would not have survived from
generation to generation if it had not been fundamentally sound and
provided the best instrumentalities for the most complete expression
of the popular will. It is not necessary to claim that it has always
worked perfectly. It is enough to know that nothing better has been
devised. No one would deny that there should be full and free
expression and an opportunity for independence of action within the
party. There is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted partisanship.
But if there is to be responsible party government, the party label
must be something more than a mere device for securing office. Unless
those who are elected under the same party designation are willing to
assume sufficient responsibility and exhibit sufficient loyalty and
coherence, so that they can cooperate with each other in the support
of the broad general principles, of the party platform, the election
is merely a mockery, no decision is made at the polls, and there is
no representation of the popular will. Common honesty and good faith
with the people who support a party at the polls require that party,
when it enters office, to assume the control of that portion of the
Government to which it has been elected. Any other course is bad
faith and a violation of the party pledges.

When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making
it a majority in the Congress, it has a right to expect such unity of
action as will make the party majority an effective instrument of
government. This Administration has come into power with a very clear
and definite mandate from the people. The expression of the popular
will in favor of maintaining our constitutional guarantees was
overwhelming and decisive. There was a manifestation of such faith in
the integrity of the courts that we can consider that issue rejected
for some time to come. Likewise, the policy of public ownership of
railroads and certain electric utilities met with unmistakable
defeat. The people declared that they wanted their rights to have not
a political but a judicial determination, and their independence and
freedom continued and supported by having the ownership and control
of their property, not in the Government, but in their own hands. As
they always do when they have a fair chance, the people demonstrated
that they are sound and are determined to have a sound government.

When we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was accepted, the
policy that stands out with the greatest clearness is that of economy
in public expenditure with reduction and reform of taxation. The
principle involved in this effort is that of conservation. The
resources of this country are almost beyond computation. No mind can
comprehend them. But the cost of our combined governments is likewise
almost beyond definition. Not only those who are now making their tax
returns, but those who meet the enhanced cost of existence in their
monthly bills, know by hard experience what this great burden is and
what it does. No matter what others may want, these people want a
drastic economy. They are opposed to waste. They know that
extravagance lengthens the hours and diminishes the rewards of their
labor. I favor the policy of economy, not because I wish to save
money, but because I wish to save people. The men and women of this
country who toil are the ones who bear the cost of the Government.
Every dollar that we carelessly waste means that their life will be
so much the more meager. Every dollar that we prudently save means
that their life will be so much the more abundant. Economy is
idealism in its most practical form.

If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation
both directly and indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it
would not be of so much consequence. The wisest and soundest method
of solving our tax problem is through economy. Fortunately, of all
the great nations this country is best in a position to adopt that
simple remedy. We do not any longer need wartime revenues. The
collection of any taxes which are not absolutely required, which do
not beyond reasonable doubt contribute to the public welfare, is only
a species of legalized larceny. Under this republic the rewards of
industry belong to those who earn them. The only constitutional tax
is the tax which ministers to public necessity. The property of the
country belongs to the people of the country. Their title is
absolute. They do not support any privileged class; they do not need
to maintain great military forces; they ought not to be burdened with
a great array of public employees. They are not required to make any
contribution to Government expenditures except that which they
voluntarily assess upon themselves through the action of their own
representatives. Whenever taxes become burdensome a remedy can be
applied by the people; but if they do not act for themselves, no one
can be very successful in acting for them.

The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when,
unless we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living,
we must have tax reform. The method of raising revenue ought not to
impede the transaction of business; it ought to encourage it. I am
opposed to extremely high rates, because they produce little or no
revenue, because they are bad for the country, and, finally, because
they are wrong. We can not finance the country, we can not improve
social conditions, through any system of injustice, even if we
attempt to inflict it upon the rich. Those who suffer the most harm
will be the poor. This country believes in prosperity. It is absurd
to suppose that it is envious of those who are already prosperous.
The wise and correct course to follow in taxation and all other
economic legislation is not to destroy those who have already secured
success but to create conditions under which every one will have a
better chance to be successful. The verdict of the country has been
given on this question. That verdict stands. We shall do well to heed
it.

These questions involve moral issues. We need not concern ourselves
much about the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the
rights of persons. Under our institutions their rights are supreme.
It is not property but the right to hold property, both great and
small, which our Constitution guarantees. All owners of property are
charged with a service. These rights and duties have been revealed,
through the conscience of society, to have a divine sanction. The
very stability of our society rests upon production and conservation.
For individuals or for governments to waste and squander their
resources is to deny these rights and disregard these obligations.
The result of economic dissipation to a nation is always moral
decay.

These policies of better international understandings, greater
economy, and lower taxes have contributed largely to peaceful and
prosperous industrial relations. Under the helpful influences of
restrictive immigration and a protective tariff, employment is
plentiful, the rate of pay is high, and wage earners are in a state
of contentment seldom before seen. Our transportation systems have
been gradually recovering and have been able to meet all the
requirements of the service. Agriculture has been very slow in
reviving, but the price of cereals at last indicates that the day of
its deliverance is at hand.

We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is
not to secure new advantages but to maintain those which we already
possess. Our system of government made up of three separate and
independent departments, our divided sovereignty composed of Nation
and State, the matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our
Constitution, all these need constant effort and tireless vigilance
for their protection and support.

In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen is
obedience to law. Under a despotism the law may be imposed upon the
subject. He has no voice in its making, no influence in its
administration, it does not represent him. Under a free government
the citizen makes his own laws, chooses his own administrators, which
do represent him. Those who want their rights respected under the
Constitution and the law ought to set the example themselves of
observing the Constitution and the law. While there may be those of
high intelligence who violate the law at times, the barbarian and the
defective always violate it. Those who disregard the rules of society
are not exhibiting a superior intelligence, are not promoting freedom
and independence, are not following the path of civilization, but are
displaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of savagery, and
treading the way that leads back to the jungle.

The essence of a republic is representative government. Our Congress
represents the people and the States. In all legislative affairs it
is the natural collaborator with the President. In spite of all the
criticism which often falls to its lot, I do not hesitate to say that
there is no more independent and effective legislative body in the
world. It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative. I welcome
its cooperation, and expect to share with it not only the
responsibility, but the credit, for our common effort to secure
beneficial legislation.

These are some of the principles which America represents. We have
not by any means put them fully into practice, but we have strongly
signified our belief in them. The encouraging feature of our country
is not that it has reached its destination, but that it has
overwhelmingly expressed its determination to proceed in the right
direction. It is true that we could, with profit, be less sectional
and more national in our thought. It would be well if we could
replace much that is only a false and ignorant prejudice with a true
and enlightened pride of race. But the last election showed that
appeals to class and nationality had little effect. We were all found
loyal to a common citizenship. The fundamental precept of liberty is
toleration. We can not permit any inquisition either within or
without the law or apply any religious test to the holding of office.
The mind of America must be forever free.

It is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are not
exhaustive but only representative, that I find ample warrant for
satisfaction and encouragement. We should not let the much that is to
do obscure the much which has been done. The past and present show
faith and hope and courage fully justified. Here stands our country,
an example of tranquillity at home, a patron of tranquillity abroad.
Here stands its Government, aware of its might but obedient to its
conscience. Here it will continue to stand, seeking peace and
prosperity, solicitous for the welfare of the wage earner, promoting
enterprise, developing waterways and natural resources, attentive to
the intuitive counsel of womanhood, encouraging education, desiring
the advancement of religion, supporting the cause of justice and
honor among the nations. America seeks no earthly empire built on
blood and force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of
foreign dominions. The legions which she sends forth are armed, not
with the sword, but with the cross. The higher state to which she
seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine
origin. She cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty
God.