Speech Transcript:

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

When we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven by which the
American people became a nation; when we survey the general
prosperity of our country, and look forward to the riches, power, and
happiness to which it seems destined, with the deepest regret do I
announce to you that during your recess some of the citizens of the
United States have been found capable of insurrection. It is due,
however, to the character of our Government and to its stability,
which can not be shaken by the enemies of order, freely to unfold the
course of this event.

During the session of the year 1790 it was expedient to exercise the
legislative power granted by the Constitution of the United States
"to lay and collect excises". In a majority of the States scarcely an
objection was heard to this mode of taxation. In some, indeed, alarms
were at first conceived, until they were banished by reason and
patriotism. In the four western counties of Pennsylvania a prejudice,
fostered and imbittered by the artifice of men who labored for an
ascendency over the will of others by the guidance of their passions,
produced symptoms of riot and violence.

It is well known that Congress did not hesitate to examine the
complaints which were presented, and to relieve them as far as
justice dictated or general convenience would permit. But the
impression which this moderation made on the discontented did not
correspond with what it deserved. The arts of delusion were no longer
confined to the efforts of designing individuals. The very forbearance
to press prosecutions was misinterpreted into a fear of urging the
execution of the laws, and associations of men began to denounce
threats against the officers employed. From a belief that by a more
formal concert their operation might be defeated, certain
self-created societies assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while
the greater part of Pennsylvania itself were conforming themselves to
the acts of excise, a few counties were resolved to frustrate them.
It is now perceived that every expectation from the tenderness which
had been hitherto pursued was unavailing, and that further delay
could only create an opinion of impotency or irresolution in the
Government. Legal process was therefore delivered to the marshal
against the rioters and delinquent distillers.

No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than the
vengeance of armed men was aimed at his person and the person and
property of the inspector of the revenue. They fired upon the
marshal, arrested him, and detained him for some time as a prisoner.
He was obliged, by the jeopardy of his life, to renounce the service
of other process on the west side of the Allegheny Mountain, and a
deputation was afterwards sent to him to demand a surrender of that
which he had served. A numerous body repeatedly attacked the house of
the inspector, seized his papers of office, and finally destroyed by
fire his buildings and whatsoever they contained. Both of these
officers, from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat of
Government, it being avowed that the motives to such outrages were to
compel the resignation of the inspector, to withstand by force of arms
the authority of the United States, and thereby to extort a repeal of
the laws of excise and an alteration in the conduct of Government.

Upon testimony of these facts an associate justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States notified to me that "in the counties of
Washington and Allegheny, in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States
were opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by combinations
too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial
proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshal of that
district".

On this call, momentous in the extreme, I sought and weighted what
might best subdue the crisis. On the one hand the judiciary was
pronounced to be stripped of its capacity to enforce the laws; crimes
which reached the very existence of social order were perpetrated
without control; the friends of Government were insulted, abused, and
overawed into silence or an apparent acquiescence; and to yield to the
treasonable fury of so small a portion of the United States would be
to violate the fundamental principle of our Constitution, which
enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail. On the other, to
array citizen against citizen, to publish the dishonor of such
excesses, to encounter the expense and other embarrassments of so
distant an expedition, were steps too delicate, too closely
interwoven with many affecting considerations, to be lightly
adopted.

I postponed, therefore, the summoning of the militia immediately into
the field, but I required them to be held in readiness, that if my
anxious endeavors to reclaim the deluded and to convince the
malignant of their danger should be fruitless, military force might
be prepared to act before the season should be too far advanced.

My proclamation of the 7th of August last [1794-08-07] was
accordingly issued, and accompanied by the appointment of
commissioners, who were charged to repair to the scene of
insurrection. They were authorized to confer with any bodies of men
or individuals. They were instructed to be candid and explicit in
stating the sensations which had been excited in the Executive, and
his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to represent,
however, that, without submission, coercion must be the resort; but
to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor of
faithful citizens, by such accommodations as lay within the sphere of
Executive power. Pardon, too, was tendered to them by the Government
of the United States and that of Pennsylvania, upon no other
condition than a satisfactory assurance of obedience to the laws.

Although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and
abilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing that the means
of conciliation have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or
abetted the tumults did not subscribe the mild form which was proposed
as the atonement, and the indications of a peaceable temper were
neither sufficiently general nor conclusive to recommend or warrant
the further suspension of the march of the militia.

Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the
militia to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my
proclamation of the 25th of September last [1794-09-25].

It was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision the lowest
degree of force competent to the quelling of the insurrection. From a
respect, indeed, to economy and the ease of my fellow citizens
belonging to the militia, it would have gratified me to accomplish
such an estimate. My very reluctance to ascribe too much importance
to the opposition, had its extent been accurately seen, would have
been a decided inducement to the smallest efficient numbers. In this
uncertainty, therefore, I put into motion 15K men, as being an army
which, according to all human calculation, would be prompt and
adequate in every view, and might, perhaps, by rendering resistance
desperate, prevent the effusion of blood. Quotas had been assigned to
the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, the
governor of Pennsylvania having declared on this occasion an opinion
which justified a requisition to the other States.

As commander in chief of the militia when called into the actual
service of the United States, I have visited the places of general
rendezvous to obtain more exact information and to direct a plan for
ulterior movements. Had there been room for a persuasion that the
laws were secure from obstruction; that the civil magistrate was able
to bring to justice such of the most culpable as have not embraced the
proffered terms of amnesty, and may be deemed fit objects of example;
that the friends to peace and good government were not in need of
that aid and countenance which they ought always to receive, and, I
trust, ever will receive, against the vicious and turbulent, I should
have caught with avidity the opportunity of restoring the militia to
their families and homes. But succeeding intelligence has tended to
manifest the necessity of what has been done, it being now confessed
by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of the
insurgents that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a
particular law, but that a spirit inimical to all order has actuated
many of the offenders. If the state of things had afforded reason for
the continuance of my presence with the army, it would not have been
withholden. But every appearance assuring such an issue as will
redound to the reputation and strength of the United States, I have
judged it most proper to resume my duties at the seat of Government,
leaving the chief command with the governor of Virginia.

Still, however, as it is probable that in a commotion like the
present, whatsoever may be the pretense, the purposes of mischief and
revenge may not be laid aside, the stationing of a small force for a
certain period in the four western counties of Pennsylvania will be
indispensable, whether we contemplate the situation of those who are
connected with the execution of the laws or of others who may have
exposed themselves by an honorable attachment to them. Thirty days
from the commencement of this session being the legal limitation of
the employment of the militia, Congress can not be too early occupied
with this subject.

Among the discussions which may arise from this aspect of our
affairs, and from the documents which will be submitted to Congress,
it will not escape their observation that not only the inspector of
the revenue, but other officers of the United States in Pennsylvania
have, from their fidelity in the discharge of their functions,
sustained material injuries to their property. The obligation and
policy of indemnifying them are strong and obvious. It may also merit
attention whether policy will not enlarge this provision to the
retribution of other citizens who, though not under the ties of
office, may have suffered damage by their generous exertions for
upholding the Constitution and the laws. The amount, even if all the
injured were included, would not be great, and on future emergencies
the Government would be amply repaid by the influence of an example
that he who incurs a loss in its defense shall find a recompense in
its liberality.

While there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should
have disgraced the name or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of
our community, or should have diverted to a new application any
portion of the public resources, there are not wanting real and
substantial consolations for the misfortune. It has demonstrated that
our prosperity rests on solid foundations, by furnishing an additional
that my fellow citizens understand the true principles of government
and liberty; that they feel their inseparable union; that
notwithstanding all the devices which have been used to sway them
from their interest and duty, they are not as ready to maintain the
authority of the laws against licentious invasions as they were to
defend their rights against usurpation. It has been a spectacle
displaying to the highest advantage of republican government to
behold the most and the least wealthy of our citizens standing in the
same ranks as private soldiers, preeminently distinguished by being
the army of the Constitution - undeterred by a march of 300 miles
over rugged mountains, by approach of an inclement season, or by any
other discouragement. Nor ought I to omit to acknowledge the
efficacious and patriotic cooperation which I have experienced from
the chief magistrates of the States to which my requisitions have
been addressed.

To every description of citizens, let praise be given. but let them
persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious
depository of American happiness, the Constitution of the United
States. Let them cherish it, too, for the sake of those who, from
every clime, are daily seeking a dwelling in our land. And when in
the calm moments of reflection they shall have retraced the origin
and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has
not been fomented by combinations of men who, careless of
consequences and disregarding the unerring truth that those who rouse
can not always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an
ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and
accusations of the whole Government.

Having thus fulfilled the engagement which I took when I entered into
office, "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend
the Constitution of the United States", on you, gentlemen, and the
people by whom you are deputed, I rely for support.

In the arrangement to which the possibility of a similar contingency
will naturally draw your attention it ought not to be forgotten that
the militia laws have exhibited such striking defects as could not
have been supplied by the zeal of our citizens. Besides the
extraordinary expense and waste, which are not the least of the
defects, every appeal to those laws is attended with a doubt on its
success.

The devising and establishing of a well regulated militia would be a
genuine source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public
gratitude. I therefore entertain a hope that the present session will
not pass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing,
arming, and disciplining the militia, and thus providing, in the
language of the Constitution, for calling them forth to execute the
laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.

As auxiliary to the state of our defense, to which Congress can never
too frequently recur, they will not omit to inquire whether the
fortifications which have been already licensed by law be
commensurate with our exigencies.

The intelligence from the army under the command of General Wayne is
a happy presage to our military operations against the hostile
Indians north of the Ohio. From the advices which have been
forwarded, the advance which he has made must have damped the ardor
of the savages and weakened their obstinacy in waging war against the
United States. And yet, even at this late hour, when our power to
punish them can not be questioned, we shall not be unwilling to
cement a lasting peace upon terms of candor, equity, and good
neighborhood.

Toward none of the Indian tribes have overtures of friendship been
spared. The Creeks in particular are covered from encroachment by the
imposition of the General Government and that of Georgia. From a
desire also to remove the discontents of the Six nations, a
settlement mediated at Presque Isle, on Lake Erie, has been
suspended, and an agent is now endeavoring to rectify any
misconception into which they may have fallen. But I can not refrain
from again pressing upon your deliberations the plan which I
recommended at the last session for the improvement of harmony with
all the Indians within our limits by the fixing and conducting of
trading houses upon the principles then expressed.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

The time which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal
measures has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the way
for a definite plan for the redemption of the public debt. It is
believed that the result is such as to encourage Congress to
consummate this work without delay. Nothing can more promote the
permanent welfare of the nation and nothing would be more grateful to
our constituents. Indeed, whatsoever is unfinished of our system of
public credit can not be benefited by procrastination; and as far as
may be practicable we ought to place that credit on grounds which can
not be disturbed, and to prevent that progressive accumulation of debt
which must ultimately endanger all governments.

An estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the
expenditures into which we have been driven by the insurrection, will
be submitted to Congress.

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The Mint of the United States has entered upon the coinage of the
precious metals, and considerable sums of defective coins and bullion
have been lodged with the Director by individuals. There is a pleasing
prospect that the institution will at no remote day realize the
expectation which was originally formed of its utility.

In subsequent communications certain circumstances of our intercourse
with foreign nations will be transmitted to Congress. However, it may
not be unseasonable to announce that my policy in our foreign
transactions has been to cultivate peace with all the world; to
observe the treaties with pure and absolute faith; to check every
deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what may have
been misapprehended and correct what may have been injurious to any
nation, and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in
acquiring the ability to insist upon justice being done to
ourselves.

Let us unite, therefore, in imploring the Supreme Ruler of Nations to
spread his holy protection over these United States; to turn the
machinations of the wicked to the confirming of our Constitution; to
enable us at all times to root out internal sedition and put invasion
to flight; to perpetuate to our country that prosperity which his
goodness has already conferred, and to verify the anticipations of
this Government being a safeguard of human rights.