Speech Transcript:

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: I
trust I do not deceive myself when I indulge the persuasion that I
have never met you at any period when more than at the present the
situation of our public affairs has afforded just cause for mutual
congratulation, and for inviting you to join with me in profound
gratitude to the Author of all Good for the numerous and
extraordinary blessings we enjoy.

The termination of the long, expensive, and distressing war in which
we have been engaged with certain Indians northwest of the Ohio is
placed in the option of the United States by a treaty which the
commander of our army has concluded provisionally with the hostile
tribes in that region.

In the adjustment of the terms the satisfaction of the Indians was
deemed worthy no less of the policy than of the liberality of the
United States as the necessary basis of durable tranquillity. the
object, it is believed, has been fully attained. The articles agreed
upon will immediately be laid before the Senate for their
consideration.

The Creek and Cherokee Indians, who alone of the Southern tribes had
annoyed our frontiers, have lately confirmed their preexisting
treaties with us, and were giving evidence of a sincere disposition
to carry them into effect by the surrender of the prisoners and
property they had taken. But we have to lament that the fair prospect
in this quarter has been once more clouded by wanton murders, which
some citizens of Georgia are represented to have recently perpetrated
on hunting parties of the Creeks, which have again subjected that
frontier to disquietude and danger, which will be productive of
further expense, and may occasion more effusion of blood. Measures
are pursuing to prevent or mitigate the usual consequences of such
outrages, and with the hope of their succeeding at least to avert
general hostility.

A letter from the Emperor of Morocco announces to me his recognition
of our treaty made with his father, the late Emperor, and
consequently the continuance of peace with that power. With peculiar
satisfaction I add that information has been received from an agent
deputed on our part to Algiers importing that the terms of the treaty
with the Day and Regency of that country had been adjusted in such a
manner as to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace and the
resolution of our unfortunate fellow citizens from a grievous
captivity.

The latest advices from our envoy at the Court of Madrid give,
moreover, the pleasing information that he had assurances of a speedy
and satisfactory conclusion of his negotiation. While the event
depending upon unadjusted particulars can not be regarded as
ascertained, it is agreeable to cherish the expectation of an issue
which, securing amicably very essential interests of the United
States, will at the same time lay the foundation of lasting harmony
with a power whose friendship we have uniformly and sincerely desired
to cultivate.

Though not before officially disclosed to the House of
Representatives, you, gentlemen, are all apprised that a treaty of
amity, commerce, and navigation has been negotiated with Great
Britain, and that the Senate have advised and consented to its
ratification upon a condition which excepts part of one article.
Agreeably thereto, and to the best judgment I was able to form of the
public interest after full and mature deliberation, I have added my
sanction. The result on the part of His Britannic Majesty is unknown.
When received, the subject will without delay be placed before
Congress.

This interesting summary of our affairs with regard to the foreign
powers between whom and the United States controversies have
subsisted, and with regard also to those of our Indian neighbors with
whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a
wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. If by prudence
and moderation on every side the extinguishment of all the causes of
external discord which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on
terms compatible with our national rights and honor, shall be the
happy result, how firm and how precious a foundation will have been
laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing the prosperity of
our country.

Contemplating the internal situation as well as the external
relations of the United States, we discover equal cause for
contentment and satisfaction. While many of the nations of Europe,
with their American dependencies, have been involved in a contest
unusually bloody, exhausting, and calamitous, in which the evils of
foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convulsion and
insurrection; in which many of the arts most useful to society have
been exposed to discouragement and decay; in which scarcity of
subsistence has imbittered other sufferings; while even the
anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and repose are
alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating burthens, which press
upon all the departments of industry and threaten to clog the future
springs of government, our favored country, happy in a striking
contrast, has enjoyed tranquillity - a tranquillity the more
satisfactory because maintained at the expense of no duty. Faithful
to ourselves, we have violated no obligation to others.

Our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures prosper beyond former
example, the molestations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of
which, however, very pointed remonstrances have been made) being
overbalanced by the aggregate benefits which it derives from a
neutral position. Our population advances with a celerity which,
exceeding the most sanguine calculations, proportionally augments our
strength and resources, and guarantees our future security.

Every part of the Union displays indications of rapid and various
improvement; and with burthens so light as scarcely to be perceived,
with resources fully adequate to our present exigencies, with
governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty,
and with mild and wholesome laws, is it too much to say that our
country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed,
if ever before equaled?

Placed in a situation every way so auspicious, motives of commanding
force impel us, with sincere acknowledgment to Heaven and pure love
to our country, to unite our efforts to preserve, prolong, and
improve our immense advantages. To cooperate with you in this
desirable work is a fervent and favorite wish of my heart.

It is a valuable ingredient in the general estimate of our welfare
that the part of our country which was lately the scene of disorder
and insurrection now enjoys the blessings of quiet and order. The
misled have abandoned their errors, and pay the respect to our
Constitution and laws which is due from good citizens to the public
authorities of the society. These circumstances have induced me to
pardon generally the offenders here referred to, and to extend
forgiveness to those who had been adjudged to capital punishment. For
though I shall always think it a sacred duty to exercise with firmness
and energy the constitutional powers with which I am vested, yet it
appears to me no less consistent with the public good than it is with
my personal feelings to mingle in the operations of Government every
degree of moderation and tenderness which the national justice,
dignity, and safety may permit.

Gentlemen: Among the objects which will claim your attention in the
course of the session, a review of our military establishment is not
the least important. It is called for by the events which have
changed, and may be expected still further to change, the relative
situation of our frontiers. In this review you will doubtless allow
due weight to the considerations that the questions between us and
certain foreign powers are not yet finally adjusted, that the war in
Europe is not yet terminated, and that our Western posts, when
recovered, will demand provision for garrisoning and securing them. A
statement of our present military force will be laid before you by the
Department of War.

With the review of our Army establishment is naturally connected that
of the militia. It will merit inquiry what imperfections in the
existing plan further experience may have unfolded. The subject is of
so much moment in my estimation as to excite a constant solicitude
that the consideration of it may be renewed until the greatest
attainable perfection shall be accomplished. Time is wearing away
some advantages for forwarding the object, while none better deserves
the persevering attention of the public councils.

While we indulge the satisfaction which the actual condition of our
Western borders so well authorizes, it is necessary that we should
not lose sight of an important truth which continually receives new
confirmations, namely, that the provisions heretofore made with a
view to the protection of the Indians from the violences of the
lawless part of our frontier inhabitants are insufficient. It is
demonstrated that these violences can now be perpetrated with
impunity, and it can need no argument to prove that unless the
murdering of Indians can be restrained by bringing the murderers to
condign punishment, all the exertions of the Government to prevent
destructive retaliations by the Indians will prove fruitless and all
our present agreeable prospects illusory. The frequent destruction of
innocent women and children, who are chiefly the victims of
retaliation, must continue to shock humanity, and an enormous expense
to drain the Treasury of the Union.

To enforce upon the Indians the observance of justice it is
indispensable that there shall be competent means of rendering
justice to them. If these means can be devised by the wisdom of
Congress, and especially if there can be added an adequate provision
for supplying the necessities of the Indians on reasonable terms (a
measure the mention of which I the more readily repeat, as in all the
conferences with them they urge it with solicitude), I should not
hesitate to entertain a strong hope of rendering our tranquillity
permanent. I add with pleasure that the probability even of their
civilization is not diminished by the experiments which have been
thus far made under the auspices of Government. The accomplishment of
this work, if practicable, will reflect undecaying luster on our
national character and administer the most grateful consolations that
virtuous minds can know.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

The state of our revenue, with the sums which have been borrowed and
reimbursed pursuant to different acts of Congress, will be submitted
from the proper Department, together with an estimate of the
appropriations necessary to be made for the service of the ensuing
year.

Whether measures may not be advisable to reinforce the provision of
the redemption of the public debt will naturally engage your
examination. Congress have demonstrated their sense to be, and it
were superfluous to repeat mine, that whatsoever will tend to
accelerate the honorable extinction of our public debt accords as
much with the true interest of our country as with the general sense
of our constituents.

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The statements which will be laid before you relative to the Mint
will shew the situation of that institution and the necessity of some
further legislative provisions for carrying the business of it more
completely into effect, and for checking abuses which appear to be
arising in particular quarters.

The progress in providing materials for the frigates and in building
them, the state of the fortifications of our harbors, the measures
which have been pursued for obtaining proper sites for arsenals and
for replenishing our magazines with military stores, and the steps
which have been taken toward the execution of the law for opening a
trade with the Indians will likewise be presented for the information
of Congress.

Temperate discussion of the important subjects which may arise in the
course of the session and mutual forbearance where there is a
difference of opinion are too obvious and necessary for the peace,
happiness, and welfare of our country to need any recommendation of
mine.