Presidential Speeches

State of the Union 1797




State of the Union 1797

President John Adams
First State of Nation, Philadelphia, PA, 1797-11-22

Speech Transcript:

I was for some time apprehensive that it would be necessary, on
account of the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of
Philadelphia, to convene the National Legislature at some other
place. This measure it was desirable to avoid, because it would
occasion much public inconvenience and a considerable public expense
and add to the calamities of the inhabitants of this city, whose
sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their fellow
citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to ascertain the state and
decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes,
now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of
the members, Congress might assemble at this place, where it was next
by law to meet. I submit, however, to your consideration whether a
power to postpone the meeting of Congress, without passing the time
fixed by the Constitution upon such occasions, would not be a useful
amendment to the law of 1794

Although I can not yet congratulate you on the reestablishment of
peace in Europe and the restoration of security to the persons and
properties of our citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we
have, nevertheless, abundant cause of gratitude to the source of
benevolence and influence for interior tranquillity and personal
security, for propitious seasons, prosperous agriculture, productive
fisheries, and general improvements, and, above all, for a rational
spirit of civil and religious liberty and a calm but steady
determination to support our sovereignty, as well as our moral and
our religious principles, against all open and secret attacks.

Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic embarked - one in
July, the other in August - to join their colleague in Holland. I
have received intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland,
from whence they all proceeded on their journeys to Paris within a few
days of the 19th of September. Whatever may be the result of this
mission, I trust that nothing will have been omitted on my part to
conduct the negotiation to a successful conclusion, on such equitable
terms as may be compatible with the safety, honor and interest of the
United States. nothing, in the mean time, will contribute so much to
the preservation of peace and the attainment of justice as
manifestation of that energy and unanimity of which on many former
occasions the people of the United States have given such memorable
proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national defense
which a beneficent Providence has kindly placed within their power.

It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occurred since the
adjournment of Congress which renders inexpedient those precautionary
measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two Houses at
the opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was
then prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations
strengthen the reasons for its adoption.

Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and
whether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most
certain that permanent tranquillity and order will not soon be
obtained. The state of society has so long been disturbed, the sense
of moral and religious obligations so much weakened, public faith and
national honor have been so impaired, respect to treaties has been so
diminished, and the law of nations has lost so much of its force,
while pride, ambition, avarice and violence have been so long
unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground on which to raise an
expectation that a commerce without protection or defense will not be
plundered.

The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their
existence, at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and
happiness. The genius, character, and habits of the people are highly
commercial. Their cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our
agriculture, fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and
depend upon it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is,
and it can not be destroyed or neglected without involving the people
in poverty and distress. Great numbers are directly and solely
supported by navigation. The faith of society is pledged for the
preservation of the rights of commercial and sea faring no less than
of the other citizens. Under this view of our affairs, I should hold
myself guilty of a neglect of duty if I forbore to recommend that we
should make every exertion to protect our commerce and to place our
country in a suitable posture of defense as the only sure means of
preserving both.

I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power
at the opening of this session to have communicated to you the
agreeable information of the due execution of our treaty with His
Catholic Majesty respecting the withdrawing of his troops from our
territory and the demarcation of the line of limits, but by the
latest authentic intelligence Spanish garrisons were still continued
within our country, and the running of the boundary line had not been
commenced. These circumstances are the more to be regretted as they
can not fail to affect the Indians in a manner injurious to the
United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the answers
which have been given will remove the objections offered by the
Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, I have
judged it proper that we should continue in readiness to receive the
posts and to run the line of limits. Further information on this
subject will be communicated in the course of the session.

In connection with this unpleasant state of things on our western
frontier it is proper for me to mention the attempts of foreign
agents to alienate the affections of the Indian nations and to excite
them to actual hostilities against the United States. Great activity
has been exerted by those persons who have insinuated themselves
among the Indian tribes residing within the territory of the United
States to influence them to transfer their affections and force to a
foreign nation, to form them into a confederacy, and prepare them for
war against the United States. Although measures have been taken to
counteract these infractions of our rights, to prevent Indian
hostilities, and to preserve entire their attachment to the United
States, it is my duty to observe that to give a better effect to
these measures and to obviate the consequences of a repetition of
such practices a law providing adequate punishment for such offenses
may be necessary.

The commissioners appointed under the 5th article of the treaty of
amity, commerce, and navigation between the United States and Great
Britain to ascertain the river which was truly intended under the
name of the river St. Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace, met at
Passamaquoddy Bay in 1796 October, and viewed the mouths of the
rivers in question and the adjacent shores and islands, and, being of
opinion that actual surveys of both rivers to their sources were
necessary, gave to the agents of the two nations instructions for
that purpose, and adjourned to meet at Boston in August. They met,
but the surveys requiring more time than had been supposed, and not
being then completed, the commissioners again adjourned, to meet at
Providence, in the State of Rhode Island, in June next, when we may
expect a final examination and decision.

The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the 6th article of the
treaty met at Philadelphia in May last to examine the claims of
British subjects for debts contracted before the peace and still
remaining due to them from citizens or inhabitants of the United
States. Various causes have hitherto prevented any determinations,
but the business is now resumed, and doubtless will be prosecuted
without interruption.

Several decisions on the claims of citizens of the United States for
losses and damages sustained by reason of irregular and illegal
captures or condemnations of their vessels or other property have
been made by the commissioners in London conformably to the 7th
article of the treaty. The sums awarded by the commissioners have
been paid by the British Government. A considerable number of other
claims, where costs and damages, and not captured property, were the
only objects in question, have been decided by arbitration, and the
sums awarded to the citizens of the United States have also been
paid.

The commissioners appointed agreeably to the 21st article of our
treaty with Spain met at Philadelphia in the summer past to examine
and decide on the claims of our citizens for losses they have
sustained in consequence of their vessels and cargoes having been
taken by the subjects of His Catholic Majesty during the late war
between Spain and France. Their sittings have been interrupted, but
are now resumed.

The United States being obligated to make compensation for the losses
and damages sustained by British subjects, upon the award of the
commissioners acting under the 6th article of the treaty with Great
Britain, and for the losses and damages sustained by British subjects
by reason of the capture of their vessels and merchandise taken within
the limits and jurisdiction of the United States and brought into
their ports, or taken by vessels originally armed in ports of the
United States, upon the awards of the commissioners acting under the
7th article of the same treaty, it is necessary that provision be
made for fulfilling these obligations.

The numerous captures of American vessels by the cruisers of the
French Republic and of some by those of Spain have occasioned
considerable expenses in making and supporting the claims of our
citizens before their tribunals. The sums required for this purpose
have in divers instances been disbursed by the consuls of the United
States. By means of the same captures great numbers of our sea men
have been thrown ashore in foreign countries, destitute of all means
of subsistence, and the sick in particular have been exposed to
grievous sufferings. The consuls have in these cases also advanced
moneys for their relief. For these advances they reasonably expect
reimbursements from the United States.

The consular act relative to sea men requires revision and amendment.
The provisions for their support in foreign countries and for their
return are found to be inadequate and ineffectual. Another provision
seems necessary to be added to the consular act. Some foreign vessels
have been discovered sailing under the flag of the United States and
with forged papers. It seldom happens that the consuls can detect
this deception, because they have no authority to demand an
inspection of the registers and sea letters.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

It is my duty to recommend to your serious consideration those
objects which by the Constitution are placed particularly within your
sphere - the national debts and taxes.

Since the decay of the feudal system, by which the public defense was
provided for chiefly at the expense of individuals, the system of
loans has been introduced, and as no nation can raise within the year
by taxes sufficient sums for its defense and military operations in
time of war the sums loaned and debts contracted have necessarily
become the subjects of what have been called funding systems. The
consequences arising from the continual accumulation of public debts
in other countries ought to admonish us to be careful to prevent
their growth in our own. The national defense must be provided for as
well as the support of Government; but both should be accomplished as
much as possible by immediate taxes, and as little as possible by
loans.

The estimates for the service of the ensuing year will by my
direction be laid before you.

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives:

We are met together at a most interesting period. The situation of
the principal powers of Europe are singular and portentous. Connected
with some by treaties and with all by commerce, no important event
there can be indifferent to us. Such circumstances call with peculiar
importunity not less for a disposition to unite in all those measures
on which the honor, safety, and prosperity of our country depend than
for all the exertions of wisdom and firmness.

In all such measures you may rely on my zealous and hearty
concurrence. 



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