Presidential Speeches

State of the Union 1801




State of the Union 1801

President Thomas Jefferson
First State of Nation, Washington, DC, 1801-12-08

Speech Transcript:

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

It is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me that on meeting
the great council of our nation I am able to announce to them on
grounds of reasonable certainty that the wars and troubles which have
for so many years afflicted our sister nations have at length come to
an end, and that the communications of peace and commerce are once
more opening among them. Whilst we devoutly return thanks to the
beneficent Being who has been pleased to breathe into them the spirit
of conciliation and forgiveness, we are bound with peculiar gratitude
to be thankful to Him that our own peace has been preserved through
so perilous a season, and ourselves permitted quietly to cultivate
the earth and to practice and improve those arts which tend to
increase our comforts. The assurances, indeed, of friendly
disposition received from all the powers with whom we have principle
relations had inspired a confidence that our peace with them would
not have been disturbed. But a cessation of irregularities which had
affected the commerce of neutral nations and of the irritations and
injuries produced by them can not but add to this confidence, and
strengthens at the same time the hope that wrongs committed on
unoffending friends under a pressure of circumstances will now be
reviewed with candor, and will be considered as founding just claims
of retribution for the past and new assurance for the future.

Among our Indian neighbors also a spirit of peace and friendship
generally prevails, and I am happy to inform you that the continued
efforts to introduce among them the implements and the practice of
husbandry and the household arts have not been without success; that
they are becoming more and more sensible of the superiority of this
dependence for clothing and subsistence over the precarious resources
of hunting and fishing, and already we are able to announce that
instead of that constant diminution of their numbers produced by
their wars and their wants, some of them begin to experience an
increase of population.

To this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one
only exception exists. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary
States, had come forward with demands unfounded either in right or in
compact, and had permitted itself to denounce war on our failure to
comply before a given day. The style of the demand admitted but one
answer.

I sent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean, with
assurances to that power of our sincere desire to remain in peace,
but with orders to protect our commerce against the threatened
attack. The measure was seasonable and salutary. The Bey had already
declared war. His cruisers were out. Two had arrived at Gibraltar.
Our commerce in the Mediterranean was blockaded and that of the
Atlantic in peril.

The arrival of our squadron dispelled the danger. One of the
Tripolitan cruisers having fallen in with and engaged the small
schooner Enterprise, commanded by Lieutenant Sterret, which had gone
as a tender to our larger vessels, was captured, after a heavy
slaughter of her men, without the loss of a single 1 on our part. The
bravery exhibited by our citizens on that element will, I trust, be a
testimony to the world that it is not the want of that virtue which
makes us seek their peace, but a conscientious desire to direct the
energies of our nation to the multiplication of the human race, and
not to its destruction. Unauthorized by the Constitution, without the
sanction of Congress, to go beyond the line of defense, the vessel,
being disabled from committing further hostilities, was liberated
with its crew.

The Legislature will doubtless consider whether, by authorizing
measures of offense also, they will place our force on an equal
footing with that of its adversaries. I communicate all material
information on this subject, that in the exercise of this important
function confided by the Constitution to the Legislature exclusively
their judgment may form itself on a knowledge and consideration of
every circumstances of weight.

I wish I could say that our situation with all the other Barbary
States was entirely satisfactory. Discovering that some delays had
taken place in the performance of certain articles stipulated by us,
I thought it my duty, by immediate measures for fulfilling them, to
vindicate to ourselves the right of considering the effect of
departure from stipulation on their side. From the papers which will
be laid before you you will be enabled to judge whether our treaties
are regarded by them as fixing at all the measure of their demands or
as guarding from the exercise of force our vessels within their power,
and to consider how far it will be safe and expedient to leave our
affairs with them in their present posture. < align=justifyp> I lay
before you the result of the census lately taken of our inhabitants,
to a conformity with which we are now to reduce the ensuing ration of
representation and taxation. You will perceive that the increase of
numbers during the last 10 years, proceeding in geometric ratio,
promises a duplication in little more than 22 years. We contemplate
this rapid growth and the prospect it holds up to us, not with a view
to the injuries it may enable us to do others in some future day, but
to the settlement of the extensive country still remaining vacant
within our limits to the multiplication of men susceptible of
happiness, educated in the love of order, habituated to
self-government, and valuing its blessings above all price.

Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have
produced an augmentation of revenue arising from consumption in a
ratio far beyond that of population alone; and though the changes in
foreign relations now taking place so desirably for the whole world
may for a season affect this branch of revenue, yet weighing all
probabilities of expense as well as of income, there is reasonable
ground of confidence that we may now safely dispense with all the
internal taxes, comprehending excise, stamps, auctions, licenses,
carriages, and refined sugars, to which the postage on news papers
may be added to facilitate the progress of information, and that the
remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide for the
support of Government, to pay the interest of the public debts, and
to discharge the principals within shorter periods than the laws or
the general expectation had contemplated.

War, indeed, and untoward events may change this prospect of things
and call for expenses which imposts could not meet; but sound
principles will not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow
citizens to accumulate treasure for wars to happen we know not when,
and which might not, perhaps, happen but from the temptations offered
by that treasure.

These views, however, of reducing our burthens are formed on the
expectation that a sensible and at the same time a salutary reduction
may take place in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose those of
the civil Government, the Army, and Navy will need revisal.

When we consider that this Government is charged with the external
and mutual relations only of these States; that the States themselves
have principal care of our persons, our property, and our reputation,
constituting the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt
whether our organization is not too complicated, too expensive;
whether offices and officers have not been multiplied unnecessarily
and sometimes injuriously to the service they were meant to promote.

I will cause to be laid before you an essay toward a statement of
those who, under public employment of various kinds, draw money from
the Treasury or from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect
enumeration, the ramifications of office being too multiplied and
remote to be completely traced in a 1st trial.

Among those who are dependent on Executive discretion I have begun
the reduction of what was deemed unnecessary. The expenses of
diplomatic agency have been considerably diminished. The inspectors
of internal revenue who were found to obstruct the accountability of
the institution have been discontinued. Several agencies created by
Executive authorities, on salaries fixed by that also, have been
suppressed, and should suggest the expediency of regulating that
power by law, so as to subject its exercises to legislative
inspection and sanction.

Other reformations of the same kind will be pursued with that caution
which is requisite in removing useless things, not to injure what is
retained. But the great mass of public offices is established by law,
and therefore by law alone can be abolished. Should the Legislature
think it expedient to pass this roll in review and try all its parts
by the test of public utility, they may be assured of every aid and
light which Executive information can yield.

Considering the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies
and to increase expense to the ultimate term of burthen which the
citizen can bear, it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion
which presents itself for taking off the surcharge, that it never may
be seen here that after leaving to labor the smallest portion of its
earnings on which it can subsist, Government shall itself consume the
whole residue of what it was instituted to guard.

In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our
direction it would be prudent to multiply barriers against their
dissipation by appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose
susceptible of definition; by disallowing all applications of money
varying from the appropriation in object or transcending it in
amount; by reducing the undefined field of contingencies and thereby
circumscribing discretionary powers over money, and by bringing back
to a single department all accountabilities for money, where the
examinations may be prompt, efficacious, and uniform.

An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as
prepared by the Secretary of the Treasury, will, as usual, be laid
before you. The success which has attended the late sales of the
public lands shews that with attention they may be made an important
source of receipt. Among the payments those made in discharge of the
principal and interest of the national debt will shew that the public
faith has been exactly maintained. To these will be added an estimate
of appropriations necessary for the ensuing year. This last will, of
course, be affected by such modifications of the system of expense as
you shall think proper to adopt.

A statement has been formed by the Secretary of War, on mature
consideration, of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be
expedient and of the number of men requisite for each garrison. The
whole amount is considerably short of the present military
establishment. For the surplus no particular use can be pointed out.

For defense against invasion their number is as nothing, nor is it
conceived needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up in
time of peace for that purpose. Uncertain as we must ever be of the
particular point in our circumference where an enemy may choose to
invade us, the only force which can be ready at every point and
competent to oppose them is the body of the neighboring citizens as
formed into a militia. On these, collected from the parts most
convenient in numbers proportioned to the invading force, it is best
to rely not only to meet the 1st attack, but if it threatens to be
permanent to maintain the defense until regulars may be engaged to
relieve them. These considerations render it important that we should
at every session continue to amend the defects which from time to time
shew themselves in the laws for regulating the militia until they are
sufficiently perfect. Nor should we now or at any time separate until
we say we have done everything for the militia which we could do were
an enemy at our door.

The provision of military stores on hand will be laid before you,
that you may judge of the additions still requisite.

With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be
expected to appear, but just attention to the circumstances of every
part of the Union will doubtless reconcile all. A small force will
probably continue to be wanted for actual service in the
Mediterranean. Whatever annual sum beyond that you may think proper
to appropriate to naval preparations would perhaps be better employed
in providing those articles which may be kept without waste or
consumption, and be in readiness when any exigence calls them into
use. Progress has been made, as will appear by papers now
communicated, in providing materials for 74-gun ships as directed by
law.

How far the authority given by the Legislature for procuring and
establishing sites for naval purposes has been perfectly understood
and pursued in the execution admits of some doubt. A statement of the
expenses already incurred on that subject is now laid before you. I
have in certain cases suspended or slackened these expenditures, that
the Legislature might determine whether so many yards are necessary as
have been contemplated.

The works at this place are among those permitted to go on, and 5 of
the 7 frigates directed to be laid up have been brought and laid up
here, where, besides the safety of their position, they are under the
eye of the Executive Administration, as well as of its agents, and
where yourselves also will be guided by your own view in the
legislative provisions respecting them which may from time to time be
necessary. They are preserved in such condition, as well the vessels
as whatever belongs to them, as to be at all times ready for sea on a
short warning. Two others are yet to be laid up so soon as they shall
have received the repairs requisite to put them also into sound
condition. As a superintending officer will be necessary at each
yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto fixed by the Executive,
will be a more proper subject for legislation. A communication will
also be made of our progress in the execution of the law respecting
the vessels directed to be sold.

The fortifications of our harbors, more of less advanced, present
considerations of great difficulty. While some of them are on a scale
sufficiently proportioned to the advantages of their position, to the
efficacy of their protection, and the importance of the points within
it, others are so extensive, will cost so much in their 1st erection,
so much in their maintenance, and require such a force to garrison
them as to make it questionable what is best now to be done. A
statement of those commenced or projected, of the expenses already
incurred, and estimates of their future cost, as far as can be
foreseen, shall be laid before you, that you may be enabled to judge
whether any alteration is necessary in the laws respecting this
subject.

Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the 4 pillars of
our prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to
individual enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments,
however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed. If in the course of
your observations or inquiries they should appear to need any aid
within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their
importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention.
We can not, indeed, but all feel an anxious solicitude for the
difficulties under which our carrying trade will soon be placed. How
far it can be relieved, otherwise than by time, is a subject of
important consideration.

The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that
portion of it recently erected, will of course present itself to the
contemplation of Congress, and, that they may be able to judge of the
proportion which the institution bears on the business it has to
perform, I have caused to be procured from the several States and now
lay before Congress an exact statement of all the causes decided since
the 1st establishment of the courts, and of those which were depending
when additional courts and judges were brought in to their aid.

And while on the judiciary organization it will be worthy your
consideration whether the protection of the inestimable institution
of juries has been extended to all the cases involving the security
of our persons and property. Their impartial selection also being
essential to their value, we ought further to consider whether that
is sufficiently secured in those States where they are named by a
marshal depending on Executive will or designated by the court or by
officers dependent on them.

I can not omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of
naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a
denial of citizenship under a residence of 14 years is a denial to a
great proportion of those who ask it, and controls a policy pursued
from their 1st settlement by many of these States, and still believed
of consequence to their prosperity; and shall we refuse to the unhappy
fugitives from distress that hospitality which the savages of the
wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land? Shall
oppressed humanity find no asylum on this globe? The Constitution
indeed has wisely provided that for admission to certain offices of
important trust a residence shall be required sufficient to develop
character and design. But might not the general character and
capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to everyone
manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes
permanently with us, with restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the
fraudulent usurpation of our flag, an abuse which brings so much
embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen and so much danger to
the nation of being involved in war that no endeavor should be spared
to detect and suppress it?

These, fellow citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the
nation which I have thought of importance to be submitted to your
consideration at this time. Some others of less moment or not yet
ready for communication will be the subject of separate messages. I
am happy in this opportunity of committing the arduous affairs of our
Government to the collected wisdom of the Union. Nothing shall be
wanting on my part to inform as far as in my power the legislative
judgment, nor to carry that judgment into faithful execution.

The prudence and temperance of your discussions will promote within
your own walls that conciliation which so much befriends rational
conclusion, and by its example will encourage among our constituents
that progress of opinion which is tending to unite them in object and
in will. That all should be satisfied with any one order of things is
not to be expected; but I indulge the pleasing persuasion that the
great body of our citizens will cordially concur in honest and
disinterested efforts which have for their object to preserve the
General and State Governments in their constitutional form and
equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order and obedience to the
laws at home; to establish principles and practices of administration
favorable to the security of liberty and property, and to reduce
expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of Government. 



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