Speech Transcript:

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

In calling you together sooner than a separation from your homes
would otherwise have been required I yielded to considerations drawn
from the posture of our foreign affairs, and in fixing the present
for the time of your meeting regard was had to the probability of
further developments of the policy of the belligerent powers toward
this country which might the more unite the national councils in the
measures to be pursued.

At the close of the last session of Congress it was hoped that the
successive confirmations of the extinction of the French decrees, so
far as they violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the
Government of Great Britain to repeal its orders in council, and
thereby authorize a removal of the existing obstructions to her
commerce with the United States.

Instead of this reasonable step toward satisfaction and friendship
between the two nations, the orders were, at a moment when least to
have been expected, put into more rigorous execution; and it was
communicated through the British envoy just arrived that whilst the
revocation of the edicts of France, as officially made known to the
British Government, was denied to have taken place, it was an
indispensable condition of the repeal of the British orders that
commerce should restored to a footing that would admit the
productions and manufactures of Great Britain, when owned by
neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy, the United
States being given to understand that in the mean time a continuance
of their nonimportation act would lead to measures of retaliation.

At a later date it has indeed appeared that a communication to the
British Government of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French
decrees against our neutral trade was followed by an intimation that
it had been transmitted to the British plenipotentiary here in order
that it might receive full consideration in the depending
discussions. This communication appears not to have been received;
but the transmission of it hither, instead of founding on it an
actual repeal of the orders or assurances that the repeal would
ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effective change in the
British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory
proofs of such a change, and to proceed in the mean time in adapting
our measures to the views which have been disclosed through that
minister will best consult our whole duty.

In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures indemnity and redress
for other wrongs have continued to be withheld, and our coasts and
the mouths of our harbors have again witnessed scenes not less
derogatory to the dearest of our national rights than vexation to the
regular course of our trade.

Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war
hovering on our coasts was an encounter between 1 of them and the
American frigate commanded by Captain Rodgers, rendered unavoidable
on the part of the latter by a fire commenced without cause by the
former, whose commander is therefore alone chargeable with the blood
unfortunately shed in maintaining the honor of the American flag. The
proceedings of a court of inquiry requested by Captain Rodgers are
communicated, together with the correspondence relating to the
occurrence, between the Secretary of State and His Britannic
Majesty's envoy. To these are added the several correspondences which
have passed on the subject of the British orders in council, and to
both the correspondence relating to the Floridas, in which Congress
will be made acquainted with the interposition which the Government
of Great Britain has thought proper to make against the proceeding of
the United States.

The justice and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the
United States toward France, both before and since the revocation of
her decrees, authorized an expectation that her Government would have
followed up that measure by all such others as were due to our
reasonable claims, as well s dictated by its amicable professions. No
proof, however, is yet given of an intention to repair the other
wrongs done to the United States, and particularly to restore the
great amount of American property seized and condemned under edicts
which, though not affecting our neutral relations, and therefore not
entering into questions between the United States and other
belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such unjust principles
that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample.

In addition to this and other demands of strict right on that nation,
the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the
rigorous and unexpected restrictions to which their trade with the
French dominions has been subjected, and which, if not discontinued,
will require at least corresponding restrictions on importations from
France into the United States.

On all those subjects our minister plenipotentiary lately sent to
Paris has carried with him the necessary instructions, the result of
which will be communicated to you, by ascertaining the ulterior
policy of the French Government toward the United States, will enable
you to adapt to it that of the United States toward France.

Our other foreign relations remain without unfavorable changes. With
Russia they are on the best footing of friendship. The ports of
Sweden have afforded proofs of friendly dispositions toward our
commerce in the councils of that nation also, and the information
from our special minister to Denmark shews that the mission had been
attended with valuable effects to our citizens, whose property had
been so extensively violated and endangered by cruisers under the
Danish flag.

Under the ominous indications which commanded attention it became a
duty to exert the means committed to the executive department in
providing for the general security. The works of defense on our
maritime frontier have accordingly been prosecuted with an activity
leaving little to be added for the completion of the most important
ones, and, as particularly suited for cooperation in emergencies, a
portion of the gun boats have in particular harbors been ordered into
use. The ships of war before in commission, with the addition of a
frigate, have been chiefly employed as a cruising guard to the rights
of our coast, and such a disposition has been made of our land forces
as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and
important.

In this disposition is included a force consisting of regulars and
militia, embodied in the Indiana Territory and marched toward our
northwestern frontier. This measure was made requisite by several
murders and depredations committed by Indians, but more especially by
the menacing preparations and aspect of a combination of them on the
Wabash, under the influence and direction of a fanatic of the
Shawanese tribe. With these exceptions the Indian tribes retain their
peaceable dispositions toward us, and their usual pursuits.

I must now add that the period is arrived which claims from the
legislative guardians of the national rights a system of more ample
provisions for maintaining them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous
justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the
part of the United States to substitute for the accumulating dangers
to the peace of the 2 countries all the mutual advantages of
reestablished friendship and confidence, we have seen that the
British cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a remedy for other
wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the execution,
brought home to the threshold of our territory, of measures which
under existing circumstances have the character as well as the effect
of war on our lawful commerce.

With this evidence of hostile inflexibility in trampling on rights
which no independent nation can relinquish, Congress will feel the
duty of putting the United States into an armor and an attitude
demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit
and expectations.

I recommend, accordingly, that adequate provisions be made for
filling the ranks and prolonging the enlistments of the regular
troops; for an auxiliary force to be engaged for a more limited term;
for the acceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court
a participation in urgent services; for detachments as they may be
wanted of other portions of the militia, and for such a preparation
of the great body as will proportion its usefulness to its intrinsic
capacities. Nor can the occasion fail to remind you of the importance
of those military seminaries which in every event will form a valuable
and frugal part of our military establishment.

The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due
success, and the stock and resources of all the necessary munitions
are adequate to emergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, for
Congress to authorize an enlargement of them.

Your attention will of course be drawn to such provisions on the
subject of our naval force as may be required for the services to
which it may be best adapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness
also of an authority to augment the stock of such materials as are
imperishable in their nature, or may not at once be attainable.

In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous epoch,
and estimating their claims to our attention, it is impossible to
overlook those developing themselves among the great communities
which occupy the southern portion of our own hemisphere and extend
into our neighborhood. An enlarged philanthropy and an enlightened
forecast concur in imposing on the national councils an obligation to
take a deep interest in their destinies, to cherish reciprocal
sentiments of good will, to regard the progress of events, and not to
be unprepared for whatever order of things may be ultimately
established.

Under another aspect of our situation the early attention of Congress
will be due to the expediency of further guards against evasions and
infractions of our commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which
is odious everywhere, and particularly criminal in free governments,
where, the laws being made by all for the good of all, a fraud is
committed on every individual as well as on the state, attains its
utmost guilt when it blends with a pursuit of ignominious gain a
treacherous subserviency, in the transgressors, to a foreign policy
adverse to that of their own country. It is them that the virtuous
indignation of the public should be enabled to manifest itself
through the regular animadversions of the most competent laws.

To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the honest
interests which it covers, it is expedient also that it be made
punishable in our citizens to accepts licenses from foreign
governments for a trade unlawfully interdicted by them to other
American citizens, or to trade under false colors or papers of any
sort.

A prohibition is equally called for against the acceptance by our
citizens of special licenses to be used in a trade with the United
States, and against the admission into particular ports of the United
States of vessels from foreign countries authorized to trade with
particular ports only.

Although other subjects will press more immediately on your
deliberations, a portion of them can not but be well bestowed on the
just and sound policy of securing to our manufactures the success
they have attained, and are still attaining, in some degree, under
the impulse of causes not permanent, and to our navigation, the fair
extent of which is at present abridged by the unequal regulations of
foreign governments.

Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufactures from sacrifices
which a change of circumstances might bring on them, the national
interest requires that, WRT such articles at least as belong to our
defense and our primary wants, we should not be left in unnecessary
dependence on external supplies. And whilst foreign governments
adhere to the existing discriminations in their ports against our
navigation, and an equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed by
their navigation in our ports, the effect can not be mistaken,
because it has been seriously felt by our shipping interests; and in
proportion as this takes place the advantages of an independent
conveyance of our products to foreign markets and of a growing body
of mariners trained by their occupations for the service of their
country in times of danger must be diminished.

The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day
of September last have exceeded $13.5M, and have enabled us to defray
the current expenses, including the interest on the public debt, and
to reimburse more than $5M of the principal without recurring to the
loan authorized by the act of the last session. The temporary loan
obtained in the latter end of the year 1810 has also been reimbursed,
and is not included in that amount.

The decrease of revenue arising from the situation of our commerce,
and the extraordinary expenses which have and may become necessary,
must be taken into view in making commensurate provisions for the
ensuing year; and I recommend to your consideration the propriety of
insuring a sufficiency of annual revenue at least to defray the
ordinary expenses of Government, and to pay the interest on the
public debt, including that on new loans which may be authorized.

I can not close this communication without expressing my deep sense
of the crisis in which you are assembled, my confidence in a wise and
honorable result to your deliberations, and assurances of the faithful
zeal with which my cooperating duties will be discharged, invoking at
the same time the blessing of Heaven on our beloved country and on
all the means that may be employed in vindicating its rights and
advancing its welfare.