Speech Transcript:

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

In meeting you at the present interesting conjuncture it would have
been highly satisfactory if I could have communicated a favorable
result to the mission charged with negotiations for restoring peace.
It was a just expectation, from the respect due to the distinguished
Sovereign who had invited them by his offer of mediation, from the
readiness with which the invitation was accepted on the part of the
United States, and from the pledge to be found in an act of their
Legislature for the liberality which their plenipotentiaries would
carry into the negotiations, that no time would be lost by the
British Government in embracing the experiment for hastening a stop
to the effusion of blood. A prompt and cordial acceptance of the
mediation on that side was the less to be doubted, as it was of a
nature not to submit rights or pretensions on either side to the
decision of an umpire, but to afford merely an opportunity, honorable
and desirable to both, for discussing and, if possible, adjusting them
for the interest of both.

The British cabinet, either mistaking our desire of peace for a dread
of British power or misled by other fallacious calculations, has
disappointed this reasonable anticipation. No communications from our
envoys having reached us, no information on the subject has been
received from that source; but it is known that the mediation was
declined in the 1st instance, and there is no evidence,
notwithstanding the lapse of time, that a change of disposition in
the British councils has taken place or is to be expected.

Under such circumstances a nation proud of its rights and conscious
of its strength has no choice but an exertion of the 1 in support of
the other.

To this determination the best encouragement is derived from the
success with which it has pleased the Almighty to bless our arms both
on the land and on the water.

Whilst proofs have been continued of the enterprise and skill of our
cruisers, public and private, on the ocean, and a trophy gained in
the capture of a British by an American vessel of war, after an
action giving celebrity to the name of the victorious commander, the
great inland waters on which the enemy were also to be encountered
have presented achievements of our naval arms as brilliant in their
character as they have been important in their consequences.

On Lake Erie, the squadron under command of Captain Perry having met
the British squadron of superior force, a sanguinary conflict ended
in the capture of the whole. The conduct of that officer, adroit as
it was daring, and which was so well seconded by his comrades, justly
entitles them to the admiration and gratitude of their country, and
will fill an early page in its naval annals with a victory never
surpassed in luster, however much it may have been in magnitude.

On Lake Ontario the caution of the British commander, favored by
contingencies, frustrated the efforts of the American commander to
bring on a decisive action. Captain Chauncey was able, however, to
establish an ascendancy on that important theater, and to prove by
the manner in which he effected everything possible that
opportunities only were wanted for a more shining display of his own
talents and the gallantry of those under his command.

The success on Lake Erie having opened a passage to the territory of
the enemy, the officer commanding the Northwestern army transferred
the war thither, and rapidly pursuing the hostile troops, fleeing
with their savage associates, forced a general action, which quickly
terminated in the capture of the British and dispersion of the savage
force.

This result is signally honorable to Major-General Harrison, by whose
military talents it was prepared; to Colonel Johnson and his mounted
volunteers, whose impetuous onset gave a decisive blow to the ranks
of the enemy, and to the spirit of the volunteer militia, equally
brave and patriotic, who bore an interesting part in the scene; more
especially to the chief magistrate of Kentucky, at the head of them,
whose heroism signalized in the war which established the
independence of his country, sought at an advanced age a share in
hardships and battles for maintaining its rights and its safely.

The effect of these successes has been to rescue the inhabitants of
MI from their oppressions, aggravated by gross infractions of the
capitulation which subjected them to a foreign power; to alienate the
savages of numerous tribes from the enemy, by whom they were
disappointed and abandoned, and to relieve an extensive region of
country from a merciless warfare which desolated its frontiers and
imposed on its citizens the most harassing services.

In consequences of our naval superiority on Lake Ontario and the
opportunity afforded by it for concentrating our forces by water,
operations which had been provisionally planned were set on foot
against the possessions of the enemy on the St. Lawrence. Such,
however, was the delay produced in the 1st instance by adverse
weather of unusual violence and continuance and such the
circumstances attending the final movements of the army, that the
prospect, at one time so favorable, was not realized.

The cruelty of the enemy in enlisting the savages into a war with a
nation desirous of mutual emulation in mitigating its calamities has
not been confined to any one quarter. Wherever they could be turned
against us no exertions to effect it have been spared. On our
southwestern border the Creek tribes, who, yielding to our
persevering endeavors, were gradually acquiring more civilized
habits, became the unfortunate victims of seduction. A war in that
quarter has been the consequence, infuriated by a bloody fanaticism
recently propagated among them. It was necessary to crush such a war
before it could spread among the contiguous tribes and before it
could favor enterprises of the enemy into that vicinity. With this
view a force was called into the service of the United States from
the States of Georgia and Tennessee, which, with the nearest regular
troops and other corps from the Massachussets Territory, might not
only chastise the savages into present peace but make a lasting
impression on their fears.

The progress of the expedition, as far as is yet known, corresponds
with the martial zeal with which it was espoused, and the best hopes
of a satisfactory issue are authorized by the complete success with
which a well-planned enterprise was executed against a body of
hostile savages by a detachment of the volunteer militia of TN, under
the gallant command of General Coffee, and by a still more important
victory over a larger body of them, gained under the immediate
command of Major-General Jackson, an officer equally distinguished
for his patriotism and his military talents.

The systematic perseverance of the enemy in courting the aid of the
savages in all quarters had the natural effect of kindling their
ordinary propensity to war into a passion, which, even among those
best disposed toward the United States, was ready, if not employed on
our side, to be turned against us. A departure from our protracted
forbearance to accept the services tendered by them has thus been
forced upon us. But in yielding to it the retaliation has been
mitigated as much as possible, both in its extent and in its
character, stopping far short of the example of the enemy, who owe
the advantages they have occasionally gained in battle chiefly to the
# of their savage associates, and who have not controlled them either
from their usual practice of indiscriminate massacre on defenseless
inhabitants or from scenes of carnage without a parallel on prisoners
to the British arms, guarded by all the laws of humanity and of
honorable war. For these enormities the enemy are equally
responsible, whether with the power to prevent them they want the
will or with the knowledge of a want of power they still avail
themselves of such instruments.

In other respects the enemy are pursuing a course which threatens
consequences most afflicting to humanity.

A standing law of Great Britain naturalizes, as is well known, all
aliens complying with conditions limited to a shorter period than
those required by the United States, and naturalized subjects are in
war employed by her Government in common with native subjects. In a
contiguous British Province regulations promulgated since the
commencement of the war compel citizens of the United States being
there under certain circumstances to bear arms, whilst of the native
emigrants from the United States, who compose much of the population
of the Province, a number have actually borne arms against the United
States within their limits, some of whom, after having done so, have
become prisoners of war, and are now in our possession. The British
commander in that Province, nevertheless, with the sanction, as
appears, of his Government, thought proper to select from American
prisoners of war and send to Great Britain for trial as criminals a #
of individuals who had emigrated from the British dominions long prior
to the state of war between the two nations, who had incorporated
themselves into our political society in the modes recognized by the
law and the practice of Great Britain, and who were made prisoners of
war under the banners of their adopted country, fighting for its
rights and its safety.

The protection due to these citizens requiring an effectual
interposition in their behalf, a like numver of British prisoners of
war were put into confinement, with a notification that they would
experience whatever violence might be committed on the American
prisoners of war sent to Great Britain.

It was hoped that this necessary consequence of the step unadvisedly
taken on the part of Great Britain would have led her Government to
reflect on the inconsistencies of its conduct, and that a sympathy
with the British, if not with the American, sufferers would have
arrested the cruel career opened by its example.

This was unhappily not the case. In violation both of consistency and
of humanity, American officers and non-commissioned officers in double
the number of the British soldiers confined here were ordered into
close confinement, with formal notice that in the event of a
retaliation for the death which might be inflicted on the prisoners
of war sent to Great Britain for trial the officers so confined would
be put to death also. It was notified at the same time that the
commanders of the British fleets and armies on our coasts are
instructed in the same event to proceed with a destructive severity
against our towns and their inhabitants.

That no doubt might be left with the enemy of our adherence to the
retaliatory resort imposed on us, a correspondent number of British
officers, prisoners of war in our hands, were immediately put into
close confinement to abide the fate of those confined by the enemy,
and the British Government was apprised of the determination of this
Government to retaliate any other proceedings against us contrary to
the legitimate modes of warfare.

It is fortunate for the United States that they have it in their
power to meet the enemy in this deplorable contest as it is honorable
to them that they do not join in it but under the most imperious
obligations, and with the humane purpose of effectuating a return to
the established usages of war.

The views of the French Government on the subjects which have been so
long committed to negotiation have received no elucidation since the
close of your late session. The minister plenipotentiary of the
United States at Paris had not been enabled by proper opportunities
to press the objects of his mission as prescribed by his
instructions.

The militia being always to be regarded as the great bulwark of
defense and security for free states, and the Constitution having
wisely committed to the national authority a use of that force as the
best provision against an unsafe military establishment, as well as a
resource peculiarly adapted to a country having the extent and the
exposure of the United States, I recommend to Congress a revision of
the militia laws for the purpose of securing more effectually the
services of all detachments called into the employment and placed
under the Government of the United States.

It will deserve the consideration of Congress also whether among
other improvements in the militia laws justice does not require a
regulation, under due precautions, for defraying the expense incident
to the 1st assembling as well as the subsequent movements of
detachments called into the national service.

To give to our vessels of war, public and private, the requisite
advantage in their cruises, it is of much importance that they should
have, both for themselves and their prizes, the use of the ports and
markets of friendly powers. With this view, I recommend to Congress
the expediency of such legal provisions as may supply the defects or
remove the doubts of the Executive authority, to allow to the
cruisers of other powers at war with enemies of the United States
such use of the American ports as may correspond with the privileges
allowed by such powers to American cruisers.

During the year ending on the 30 of September last the receipts into
the Treasury have exceeded $37.5M, of which near $24M were the
produce of loans. After meeting all demands for the public service
there remained in the Treasury on that day near $7M. Under the
authority contained in the act of the 2nd of August last for
borrowing $7.5M, that sum has been obtained on terms more favorable
to the United States than those of the preceding loans made during
the present year. Further sums to a considerable amount will be
necessary to be obtained in the same way during the ensuing year, and
from the increased capital of the country, from the fidelity with
which the public engagements have been kept and the public credit
maintained, it may be expected on good grounds that the necessary
pecuniary supplies will not be wanting.

The expenses of the current year, from the multiplied operations
falling within it, have necessarily been extensive; but on a just
estimate of the campaign in which the mass of them has been incurred
the cost will not be found disproportionate to the advantages which
have been gained. The campaign has, indeed, in its latter stages in
one quarter been less favorable than was expected, but in addition to
the importance of our naval success the progress of the campaign has
been filled with incidents highly honorable to the American arms.

The attacks of the enemy on Craney Island, on Fort Meigs, on Sacketts
Harbor, and on Sandusky have been vigorously and successfully
repulsed; nor have they in any case succeeded on either frontier
excepting when directed against the peaceable dwellings of
individuals or villages unprepared or undefended.

On the other hand, the movements of the American Army have been
followed by the reduction of York, and of Forts George, Erie, and
Malden; by the recovery of Detroit and the extinction of the Indian
war in the West, and by the occupancy or command of a large portion
of Upper Canada. Battles have also been fought on the borders of the
St. Lawrence, which, though not accomplishing their entire objects,
reflect honor on the discipline and prowess of our soldiery, the best
auguries of eventual victory. In the same scale are to be placed the
late successes in the South over one of the most powerful, which had
become one of the most hostile also, of the Indian tribes.

It would be improper to close this communication without expressing a
thankfulness in which all ought to unite for the abundance; for the
preservation of our internal tranquillity, and the stability of our
free institutions, and, above all, for the light of divine truth and
the protection of every man's conscience in the enjoyment of it. And
although among our blessings we can not number an exemption from the
evils of war, yet these will never be regarded as the greatest of
evils by the friends of liberty and of the rights of nations. Our
country has before preferred them to the degraded condition which was
the alternative when the sword was drawn in the cause which gave birth
to our national independence, and none who contemplate the magnitude
and feel the value of that glorious event will shrink from a struggle
to maintain the high and happy ground on which it placed the American
people.

With all good citizens the justice and necessity of resisting wrongs
and usurpations no longer to be borne will sufficiently outweigh the
privations and sacrifices inseparable from a state of war. But it is
a reflection, moreover, peculiarly consoling, that, whilst wars are
generally aggravated by their baneful effects on the internal
improvements and permanent prosperity of the nations engaged in them,
such is the favored situation of the United States that the calamities
of the contest into which they have been compelled to enter are
mitigated by improvements and advantages of which the contest itself
is the source.

If the war has increased the interruptions of our commerce, it has at
the same time cherished and multiplied our manufactures so as to make
us independent of all other countries for the more essential branches
for which we ought to be dependent on none, and is even rapidly giving
them an extent which will create additional staples in our future
intercourse with foreign markets.

If much treasure has been expended, no inconsiderable portion of it
has been applied to objects durable in their value and necessary to
our permanent safety.

If the war has exposed us to increased spoliations on the ocean and
to predatory incursions on the land, it has developed the national
means of retaliating the former and of providing protection against
the latter, demonstrating to all that every blow aimed at our
maritime independence is an impulse accelerating the growth of our
maritime power.

By diffusing through the mass of the nation the elements of military
discipline and instruction; by augmenting and distributing warlike
preparations applicable to future use; by evincing the zeal and valor
with which they will be employed and the cheerfulness with which every
necessary burden will be borne, a greater respect for our rights and a
longer duration of our future peace are promised than could be
expected without these proofs of the national character and
resources.

The war has proved moreover that our free Government, like other free
governments, though slow in its early movements, acquires in its
progress a force proportioned to its freedom, and that the union of
these States, the guardian of the freedom and safety of all and of
each, is strengthened by every occasion that puts it to the test.

In fine, the war, with all its vicissitudes, is illustrating the
capacity and the destiny of the United States to be a great, a
flourishing, and a powerful nation, worthy of the friendship which it
is disposed to cultivate with all others, and authorized by its own
example to require from all an observance of the laws of justice and
reciprocity. Beyond these their claims have never extended, and in
contending for these we behold a subject for our congratulations in
the daily testimonies of increasing harmony throughout the nation,
and may humbly repose our trust in the smiles of Heaven on so
righteous a cause.