Speech Transcript:

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
The view which I have now to present to you of our affairs, foreign
and domestic, realizes the most sanguine anticipations which have
been entertained of the public prosperity. If we look to the whole,
our growth as a nation continues to be rapid beyond example; if to
the States which compose it, the same gratifying spectacle is
exhibited. Our expansion over the vast territory within our limits
has been great, without indicating any decline in those sections from
which the emigration has been most conspicuous. We have daily gained
strength by a native population in every quarter -- a population
devoted to our happy system of government and cherishing the bond of
union with internal affection.

Experience has already shewn that the difference of climate and of
industry, proceeding from that cause, inseparable from such vast
domains, and which under other systems might have a repulsive
tendency, can not fail to produce with us under wise regulations the
opposite effect. What one portion wants the other may supply; and
this will be most sensibly felt by the parts most distant from each
other, forming thereby a domestic market and an active intercourse
between the extremes and throughout every portion of our Union.

Thus by a happy distribution of power between the National and State
Governments, Governments which rest exclusively on the sovereignty of
the people and are fully adequate to the great purposes for which they
were respectively instituted, causes which might otherwise lead to
dismemberment operate powerfully to draw us closer together.

In every other circumstance a correct view of the actual state of our
Union must be equally gratifying to our constituents.

Our relations with foreign powers are of a friendly character,
although certain interesting differences remain unsettled with some.
Our revenue under the mild system of impost and tonnage continues to
be adequate to all the purposes of the Government.
Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation flourish.
Our fortifications are advancing in the degree authorized by existing
appropriations to maturity, and due progress is made in the
augmentation of the Navy to the limit prescribed for it by law.
For these blessings we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them,
and with profound reverence, our most grateful and unceasing
acknowledgments.
In adverting to our relations with foreign powers, which are always
an object of the highest importance, I have to remark that of the
subjects which have been brought into discussion with them during the
present Administration some have been satisfactorily terminated,
others have been suspended, to be resumed hereafter under
circumstances more favorable to success, and others are still in
negotiation, with the hope that they may be adjusted with mutual
accommodation to the interests and to the satisfaction of the
respective parties. It has been the invariable object of this
Government to cherish the most friendly relations with every power,
and on principles and conditions which might make them permanent. A
systematic effort has been made to place our commerce with each power
on a footing of perfect reciprocity, to settle with each in a spirit
of candor and liberality all existing differences, and to anticipate
and remove so far as it might be practicable all causes of future
variance.

It having been stipulated by the 7th article of the convention of
navigation and commerce which was concluded on [1822-06-24], between
the United States and France, that the said convention should
continue in force for two years from the first of October of that
year, and for an indefinite term afterwards, unless one of the
parties should declare its intention to renounce it, in which event
it should cease to operate at the end of 6 months from such
declaration, and no such intention having been announced, the
convention having been found advantageous to both parties, it has
since remained, and still remains, in force.

At the time when that convention was concluded many interesting
subjects were left unsettled, and particularly our claim to indemnity
for spoliations which were committed on our commerce in the late wars.
For these interests and claims it was in the contemplation of the
parties to make provision at a subsequent day by a more comprehensive
and definitive treaty. The object has been duly attended to since by
the Executive, but as yet it has not been accomplished.

It is hoped that a favorable opportunity will present itself for
opening a negotiation which may embrace and arrange all existing
differences and every other concern in which they have a common
interest upon the accession of the present King of France, an event
which has occurred since the close of the last session of Congress.

With Great Britain our commercial intercourse rests on the same
footing that it did at the last session. by the convention of 1815,
the commerce between the United States and the British dominions in
Europe and the East Indies was arranged on a principle of
reciprocity. That convention was confirmed and continued in force,
with slight exceptions, by a subsequent treaty for the term of 10
years from [1818-10-20], the date of the latter.

The trade with the British colonies in the West Indies has not as yet
been arranged, by treaty or otherwise, to our satisfaction. An
approach to that result has been made by legislative acts, whereby
many serious impediments which had been raised by the parties in
defense of their respective claims were removed. An earnest desire
exists, and has been manifested on the part of this Government, to
place the commerce with the colonies, likewise, on a footing of
reciprocal advantage, and it is hoped that the British Government,
seeing the justice of the proposal and its importance to the
colonies, will ere long accede to it.

The commissioners who were appointed for the adjustment of the
boundary between the territories of the United States and those of
Great Britain, specified in the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent,
having disagreed in their decision, and both Governments having
agreed to establish that boundary by amicable negotiation between
them, it is hoped that it may be satisfactorily adjusted in that
mode. The boundary specified by the 6th article has been established
by the decision of the commissioners. From the progress made in that
provided for by the 7th, according to a report recently received,
there is good cause to presume that it will be settled in the course
of the ensuing year.

It is a cause of serious regret that no arrangement has yet been
finally concluded between the two Governments to secure by joint
cooperation the suppression of the slave trade. It was the object of
the British Government in the early stages of the negotiation to
adopt a plan for the suppression which should include the concession
of the mutual right of search by the ships of war of each party of
the vessels of the other for suspected offenders. This was objected
to by this Government on the principle that as the right of search
was a right of war of a belligerent toward a neutral power it might
have an ill effect to extend it by treaty, to an offense which had
been made comparatively mild, to a time of peace.

Anxious, however, for the suppression of this trade, it was thought
advisable, in compliance with a resolution of the House of
Representatives, founded on an act of Congress, to propose to the
British Government an expedient which should be free from that
objection and more effectual for the object, by making it piratical.
In that mode the enormity of the crime would place the offenders out
of the protection of their Government, and involve no question of
search or other question between the parties touching their
respective rights. It was believed, also, that it would completely
suppress the trade in the vessels of both parties, and by their
respective citizens and subjects in those of other powers, with whom
it was hoped that the odium which would thereby be attached to it
would produce a corresponding arrangement, and by means thereof its
entire extirpation forever.

A convention to this effect was concluded and signed in London on
[1824-03-13], by plenipotentiaries duly authorized by both
Governments, to the ratification of which certain obstacles have
arisen which are not yet entirely removed. The difference between the
parties still remaining has been reduced to a point not of sufficient
magnitude, as is presumed, to be permitted to defeat an object so
near to the heart of both nations and so desirable to the friends of
humanity throughout the world. As objections, however, to the
principle recommended by the House of Representatives, or at least to
the consequences inseparable from it, and which are understood to
apply to the law, have been raised, which may deserve a
reconsideration of the whole subject, I have thought it proper to
suspend the conclusion of a new convention until the definitive
sentiments of Congress may be ascertained. The documents relating to
the negotiation are with that intent submitted to your
consideration.

Our commerce with Sweden has been placed on a footing of perfect
reciprocity by treaty, and with Russia, the Netherlands, Prussia, the
free Hanseatic cities, the Dukedom of Oldenburg, and Sardinia by
internal regulations on each side, founded on mutual agreement
between the respective Governments.

The principles upon which the commercial policy of the United States
is founded are to be traced to an early period. They are essentially
connected with those upon which their independence was declared, and
owe their origin to the enlightened men who took the lead in our
affairs at that important epoch. They are developed in their first
treaty of commerce with France of [1778-02-06], and by a formal
commission which was instituted immediately after the conclusion of
their Revolutionary struggle, for the purpose of negotiating treaties
of commerce with every European power. The first treaty of the United
States with Prussia, which was negotiated by that commission, affords
a signal illustration of those principles. The act of Congress of
[1815-03-03], adopted immediately after the return of a general
peace, was a new overture to foreign nations to establish our
commercial relations with them on the basis of free and equal
reciprocity. That principle has pervaded all the acts of Congress and
all the negotiations of the Executive on the subject.

A convention for the settlement of important questions in relation to
the North West coast of this continent and its adjoining seas was
concluded and signed at St. Petersburg on the 5th day of April last
by the minister plenipotentiary of the United States and
plenipotentiaries of the Imperial Government of Russia. It will
immediately be laid before the Senate for the exercise of the
constitutional authority of that body with reference to its
ratification. It is proper to add that the manner in which this
negotiation was invited and conducted on the part of the Emperor has
been very satisfactory.

The great and extraordinary changes which have happened in the
Governments of Spain and Portugal within the last two years, without
seriously affecting the friendly relations which under all of them
have been maintained with those powers by the United States, have
been obstacles to the adjustment of the particular subjects of
discussion which have arisen with each. A resolution of the Senate
adopted at their last session called for information as to the effect
produced upon our relations with Spain by the recognition on the part
of the United States of the independent South American Governments.
The papers containing that information are now communicated to
Congress.

A charge' d'affaires has been received from the independent
Government of Brazil. That country, heretofore a colonial possession
of Portugal, had some years since been proclaimed by the Sovereign of
Portugal himself an independent Kingdom. Since his return to Lisbon a
revolution in Brazil has established a new Government there with an
imperial title, at the head of which is placed a prince, in whom the
regency had been vested by the King at the time of his departure.
There is reason to expect that by amicable negotiation the
independence of Brazil will ere long be recognized by Portugal
herself.

With the remaining powers of Europe, with those on the coast of
Barbary, and with all the new South American States our relations are
of a friendly character. We have ministers plenipotentiary residing
with the Republics of Colombia and Chile, and have received ministers
of the same rank from Columbia, Guatemala, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico.
Our commercial relations with all those States are mutually
beneficial and increasing. With the Republic of Colombia a treaty of
commerce has been formed, of which a copy is received and the
original daily expected. A negotiation for a like treaty would have
been commenced with Buenos Ayres had it not been prevented by the
indisposition and lamented decease of Mr. Rodney, our minister there,
and to whose memory the most respectful attention has been shewn by
the Government of that Republic. An advantageous alteration in our
treaty with Tunis has been obtained by our consular agent residing
there, the official document of which when received will be laid
before the Senate.

The attention of the Government has been drawn with great solicitude
to other subjects, and particularly to that relating to a state of
maritime war, involving the relative rights of neutral and
belligerent in such wars. Most of the difficulties which we have
experienced and of the losses which we have sustained since the
establishment of our independence have proceeded from the unsettled
state of those rights and the extent to which the belligerent claim
has been carried against the neutral party.

It is impossible to look back on the occurrences of the late wars in
Europe, and to behold the disregard which was paid to our rights as a
neutral power, and the waste which was made of our commerce by the
parties to those wars by various acts of their respective
Governments, and under the pretext by each that the other had set the
example, without great mortification and a fixed purpose never to
submit to the like in future. An attempt to remove those causes of
possible variance by friendly negotiation and on just principles
which should be applicable to all parties could, it was presumed, be
viewed by none other than as a proof of an earnest desire to preserve
those relations with every power.

In the late war between France and Spain a crisis occurred in which
it seemed probable that all controvertible principles involved in
such wars might be brought into discussion and settled to the
satisfaction of all parties. Propositions having this object in view
have been made to the Governments of Great Britain, France, Russia,
and of other powers, which have been received in a friendly manner by
all, but as yet no treaty has been formed with either for its
accomplishment. The policy will, it is presumed, be persevered in,
and in the hope that it may be successful.

It will always be recollected that with one of the parties to those
wars and from whom we received those injuries, we sought redress by
war. From the other, by whose then reigning Government our vessels
were seized in port as well as at sea and their cargoes confiscated,
indemnity has been expected, but has not yet been rendered. It was
under the influence of the latter that our vessels were likewise
seized by the Governments of Spain, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and
Naples, and from whom indemnity has been claimed and is still
expected, with the exception of Spain, by whom it has been rendered.

With both parties we had abundant cause of war, but we had no
alternative but to resist that which was most powerful at sea and
pressed us nearest at home. With this all differences were settled by
a treaty, founded on conditions fair and honorable to both, and which
has been so far executed with perfect good faith. It has been
earnestly hoped that the other would of its own accord, and from a
sentiment of justice and conciliation, make to our citizens the
indemnity to which they are entitled, and thereby remove from our
relations any just cause of discontent on our side.

It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury during the
current year, exclusive of loans, will exceed $18.5M, which, with the
sum remaining in the Treasury at the end of the last year, amounting
to $9,463,922.81 will, after discharging the current disbursements of
the year, the interest on the public debt, and upward of
$11,633,011.52 of the principal, leave a balance of more than $3M in
the Treasury on the first day of January next.

A larger amount of the debt contracted during the late war, bearing
an interest of 6%, becoming redeemable in the course of the ensuing
year than could be discharged by the ordinary revenue, the act of the
26th of May authorized a loan of $5M at 4.5% to meet the same. By this
arrangement an annual saving will accrue to the public of $75,000.

Under the act of the 24th of May last a loan of $5M was authorized,
in order to meet the awards under the Florida treaty, which was
negotiated at par with the Bank of the United States at 4.5%, the
limit of interest fixed by the act. By this provision the claims of
our citizens who had sustained so great a loss by spoliations, and
from whom indemnity had been so long withheld, were promptly paid.
For these advances the public will be amply repaid at no distant day
by the sale of the lands in Florida. Of the great advantages
resulting from the acquisition of the Territory in other respects too
high an estimate can not be formed.

It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury during the year
1825 will be sufficient to meet the disbursements of the year,
including the sum of $10M, which is annually appropriated by the act
of constituting the sinking fund to the payment of the principal and
interest of the public debt.

The whole amount of the public debt on the first of January next may
be estimated at $86M, inclusive of $2.5M of the loan authorized by
the act of the 26th of May last. In this estimate is included a stock
of $7M, issued for the purchase of that amount of the capital stock of
the Bank of the United States, and which, as the stock of the bank
still held by the Government will at least be fully equal to its
reimbursement, ought not to be considered as constituting a part of
the public debt.

Estimating, then, the whole amount of the public debt at $79M and
regarding the annual receipts and expenditures of the Government, a
well-founded hope may be entertained that, should no unexpected event
occur, the whole of the public debt may be discharged in the course of
10 years, and the Government be left at liberty thereafter to apply
such portion of the revenue as may not be necessary for current
expenses to such other objects as may be most conducive to the public
security and welfare. That the sums applicable to these objects will
be very considerable may be fairly concluded when it is recollected
that a large amount of the public revenue has been applied since the
late war

to the construction of the public buildings in this city;
to the erection of fortifications along the coast and of arsenals in
different parts of the Union;
to the augmentation of the Navy;
to the extinguishment of the Indian title to large tracts of fertile
territory;
to the acquisition of Florida;
to pensions to Revolutionary officers and soldiers, and to invalids
of the late war.

On many of these objects the expense will annually be diminished and
cease at no distant period on most of them.
On the [1917-01-01], the public debt amounted to $123,491,965.16,
and, notwithstanding the large sums which have been applied to these
objects, it has been reduced since that period $37,446,961.78. The
last portion of the public debt will be redeemable on [1835-01-01],
and, while there is the best reason to believe that the resources of
the Government will be continually adequate to such portions of it as
may become due in the interval, it is recommended to Congress to seize
every opportunity which may present itself to reduce the rate of
interest on every part thereof. The high state of the public credit
and the great abundance of money are at this time very favorable to
such a result. It must be very gratifying to our fellow citizens to
witness this flourishing state of the public finances when it is
recollected that no burthen whatever has been imposed upon them.

The military establishment in all its branches, in the performance of
the various duties assigned to each, justifies the favorable view
which was presented of the efficiency of its organization at the last
session. All the appropriations have been regularly applied to the
objects intended by Congress, and so far as the disbursements have
been made the accounts have been rendered and settled without loss to
the public.

The condition of the Army itself, as relates to the officers and men,
in science and discipline is highly respectable. The Military Academy,
on which the Army essentially rests, and to which it is much indebted
for this state of improvement, has attained, in comparison with any
other institution of a like kind, a high degree of perfection.

Experience, however, has shewn that the dispersed condition of the
corps of artillery is unfavorable to the discipline of that important
branch of the military establishment. To remedy this inconvenience,
eleven companies have been assembled at the fortification erected at
Old Point Comfort as a school for artillery instruction, with
intention as they shall be perfected in the various duties of that
service to order them to other posts, and, to supply their places
with other companies for instruction in like manner. In this mode a
complete knowledge of the science and duties of this arm will be
extended throughout the whole corps of artillery. But to carry this
object fully into effect will require the aid of Congress, to obtain
which the subject is now submitted to your consideration.

Of the progress which has been made in the construction of
fortifications for the permanent defense of our maritime frontier,
according to the plan decided on and to the extent of the existing
appropriations, the report of the Secretary of War, which is herewith
communicated, will give a detailed account. Their final completion can
not fail to give great additional security to that frontier, and to
diminish proportionably the expense of defending it in the event of
war.

The provisions in several acts of Congress of the last session for
the improvement of the navigation of the Mississippi and the Ohio, of
the harbor of Presqu'isle, on Lake Erie, and the repair of the
Plymouth beach are in a course of regular execution; and there is
reason to believe that the appropriation in each instance will be
adequate to the object. To carry these improvements fully into
effect, the superintendence of them has been assigned to officers of
the Corps of Engineers.

Under the act of 30th April last, authorizing the President to cause
a survey to be made, with the necessary plans and estimates, of such
roads and canals as he might deem of national importance in a
commercial or military point of view, or for the transportation of
the mail, a board has been instituted, consisting of two
distinguished officers of the Corps of Engineers and a distinguished
civil engineer, with assistants, who have been actively employed in
carrying into effect the object of the act. They have carefully
examined the route between the Potomac and the Ohio rivers; between
the latter and Lake Erie; between the Alleghany and the Susquehannah;
and the routes between the Delaware and the Raritan, Barnstable and
Buzzards Bay, and between Boston Harbor and Narraganset Bay. Such
portion of the Corps of Topographical Engineers as could be spared
from the survey of the coast has been employed in surveying the very
important route between the Potomac and the Ohio. Considerable
progress has been made in it, but the survey can not be completed
until the next season. It is gratifying to add, from the view already
taken, that there is good cause to believe that this great national
object may be fully accomplished.

It is contemplated to commence early in the next season the execution
of the other branch of the act -- that which relates to roads -- and
with the survey of a route from this city, through the Southern
States, to New Orleans, the importance of which can not be too highly
estimated. All the officers of both the corps of engineers who could
be spared from other services have been employed in exploring and
surveying the routes for canals. to digest a plan for both objects
for the great purposes specified will require a thorough knowledge of
every part of our Union and of the relation of each part to the others
and of all to the seat of the General Government. For such a digest it
will be necessary that the information be full, minute, and precise.

With a view to these important objects, I submit to the consideration
of the Congress the propriety of enlarging both the corps of engineers
-- the military and topographical. It need scarcely be remarked that
the more extensively these corps are engaged in the improvement of
their country, in the execution of the powers of Congress, and in aid
of the States in such improvements as lie beyond that limit, when such
aid is desired, the happier the effect will be in many views of which
the subject is perceptible. By profiting of their science the works
will always be well executed, and by giving to the officers such
employment our Union will derive all the advantage, in peace as well
as in war, from their talents and services which they can afford. In
this mode, also, the military will be incorporated with the civil,
and unfounded and injurious distinctions and prejudices of every kind
be done away. To the corps themselves this service can not fail to be
equally useful, since by the knowledge they would thus acquire they
would be eminently better qualified in the event of war for the great
purposes for which they were instituted.

Our relations with the Indian tribes within our limits have not been
materially changed during the year. The hostile disposition evinced
by certain tribes on the Missouri during the last year still
continues, and has extended in some degree to those on the Upper
Mississippi and the Upper Lakes. Several parties of our citizens have
been plundered and murdered by those tribes. In order to establish
relations of friendship with them, Congress at the last session made
an appropriation for treaties with them and for the employment of a
suitable military escort to accompany and attend the commissioners at
the places appointed for the negotiations. This object has not been
effected. The season was too far advanced when the appropriation was
made and the distance too great to permit it, but measures have been
taken, and all the preparations will be completed to accomplish it at
an early period in the next season.

Believing that the hostility of the tribes, particularly on the Upper
Mississippi and the Lakes, is in no small degree owing to the wars
which are carried on between the tribes residing in that quarter,
measures have been taken to bring about a general peace among them,
which, if successful, will not only tend to the security of our
citizens, but be of great advantage to the Indians themselves.

With the exception of the tribes referred to, our relations with all
the others are on the same friendly footing, and it affords me great
satisfaction to add that they are making steady advances in
civilization and the improvement of their condition. Many of the
tribes have already made great progress in the arts of civilized
life. This desirable result has been brought about by the humane and
persevering policy of the Government, and particularly by means of
the appropriation for the civilization of the Indians. There have
been established under the provisions of this act 32 schools,
containing 916 scholars, who are well instructed in several branches
of literature, and likewise in agriculture and the ordinary arts of
life.

Under the appropriation to authorize treaties with the Creeks and
Quaupaw Indians commissioners have been appointed and negotiations
are now pending, but the result is not yet known.

For more full information respecting the principle which has been
adopted for carrying into effect the act of Congress authorizing
surveys, with plans and estimates for canals and roads, and on every
other branch of duty incident to the Department of War, I refer you
to the report of the Secretary.

The squadron in the Mediterranean has been maintained in the extent
which was proposed in the report of the Secretary of the Navy of the
last year, and has afforded to our commerce the necessary protection
in that sea. Apprehending, however, that the unfriendly relations
which have existed between Algiers and some of the powers of Europe
might be extended to us, it has been thought expedient to augment the
force there, and in consequence the North Carolina, a ship of the
line, has been prepared, and will sail in a few days to join it.

The force employed in the Gulf of Mexico and in the neighboring seas
for the suppression of piracy has likewise been preserved essentially
in the state in which it was during the last year. A persevering
effort has been made for the accomplishment of that object, and much
protection has thereby been afforded to our commerce, but still the
practice is far from being suppressed. From every view which has been
taken of the subject it is thought that it will be necessary rather to
augment than to diminish our force in that quarter.

There is reason to believe that the piracies now complained of are
committed by bands of robbers who inhabit the land, and who, by
preserving good intelligence with the towns and seizing favorable
opportunities, rush forth and fall on unprotected merchant vessels,
of which they make an easy prey. The pillage thus taken they carry to
their lurking places, and dispose of afterwards at prices tending to
seduce the neighboring population.

This combination is understood to be of great extent, and is the more
to be deprecated because the crime of piracy is often attended with
the murder of the crews, these robbers knowing if any survived their
lurking places would be exposed and they be caught and punished. That
this atrocious practice should be carried to such extent is cause of
equal surprise and regret. It is presumed that it must be attributed
to the relaxed and feeble state of the local governments, since it is
not doubted, from the high character of the governor of Cuba, who is
well known and much respected here, that if he had the power he would
promptly suppress it. Whether those robbers should be pursued on the
land, the local authorities be made responsible for these atrocities,
or any other measure be resorted to to suppress them, is submitted to
the consideration of Congress.

In execution of the laws for the suppression of the slave trade a
vessel has been occasionally sent from that squadron to the coast of
Africa with orders to return thence by the usual track of the slave
ships, and to seize any of our vessels which might be engaged in that
trade. None have been found, and it is believed that none are thus
employed. It is well known, however, that the trade still exists
under other flags.

The health of our squadron while at Thompsons Island has been much
better during the present than it was the last season. Some
improvements have been made and others are contemplated there which,
it is believed, will have a very salutary effect.

On the Pacific, our commerce has much increased, and on that coast,
as well as on that sea, the United States have many important
interests which require attention and protection. It is thought that
all the considerations which suggested the expediency of placing a
squadron on that sea operate with augmented force for maintaining it
there, at least in equal extent.

For detailed information respecting the state of our maritime force
on each sea, the improvement necessary to be made on either in the
organization of the naval establishment generally, and of the laws
for its better government I refer you to the report of the Secretary
of the Navy, which is herewith communicated.

The revenue of the Post Office Department has received a considerable
augmentation in the present year. The current receipts will exceed the
expenditures, although the transportation of the mail within the year
has been much increased. A report of the PostMaster General, which is
transmitted, will furnish in detail the necessary information
respecting the administration and present state of this Department.

In conformity with a resolution of Congress of the last session, an
invitation was given to General Lafayette to visit the United States,
with an assurance that a ship of war should attend at any port of
France which he might designate, to receive and convey him across the
Atlantic, whenever it might be convenient for him to sail. He declined
the offer of the public ship from motives of delicacy, but assured me
that he had long intended and would certainly visit our Union in the
course of the present year.

In August last he arrived at New York, where he was received with the
warmth of affection and gratitude to which his very important and
disinterested services and sacrifices in our Revolutionary struggle
so eminently entitled him. A corresponding sentiment has since been
manifested in his favor throughout every portion of our Union, and
affectionate invitations have been given him to extend his visits to
them. To these he has yielded all the accommodation in his power. At
every designated point of rendezvous the whole population of the
neighboring country has been assembled to greet him, among whom it
has excited in a peculiar manner the sensibility of all to behold the
surviving members of our Revolutionary contest, civil and military,
who had shared with him in the toils and dangers of the war, many of
them in a decrepit state. A more interesting spectacle, it is
believed, was never witnessed, because none could be founded on purer
principles, none proceed from higher or more disinterested motives.
That the feelings of those who had fought and bled with him in a
common cause should have been much excited was natural.

There are, however, circumstances attending these interviews which
pervaded the whole community and touched the breasts of every age,
even the youngest among us. There was not an individual present who
had not some relative who had not partaken in those scenes, nor an
infant who had not heard the relation of them. But the circumstance
which was most sensibly felt, and which his presence brought forcibly
to the recollection of all, was the great cause in which we were
engaged and the blessings which we have derived from our success in
it.

The struggle was for independence and liberty, public and personal,
and in this we succeeded. The meeting with one who had borne so
distinguished a part in that great struggle, and from such lofty and
disinterested motives, could not fail to affect profoundly every
individual and of every age. It is natural that we should all take a
deep interest in his future welfare, as we do. His high claims on our
Union are felt, and the sentiment universal that they should be met in
a generous spirit. Under these impressions I invite your attention to
the subject, with a view that, regarding his very important services,
losses, and sacrifices, a provision may be made and tendered to him
which shall correspond with the sentiments and be worthy the
character of the American people.

In turning our attention to the condition of the civilized world, in
which the United States have always taken a deep interest, it is
gratifying to see how large a portion of it is blessed with peace.
The only wars which now exist within that limit are those between
Turkey and Greece, in Europe, and between Spain and the new
Governments, our neighbors, in this hemisphere. In both these wars
the cause of independence, of liberty and humanity, continues to
prevail.

The success of Greece, when the relative population of the contending
parties is considered, commands our admiration and applause, and that
it has had a similar effect with the neighboring powers is obvious.
The feeling of the whole civilized world is excited in a high degree
in their favor. May we not hope that these sentiments, winning on the
hearts of their respective Governments, may lead to a more decisive
result; that they may produce an accord among them to replace Greece
on the ground which she formerly held, and to which her heroic
exertions at this day so eminently entitle her?

With respect to the contest to which our neighbors are a party, it is
evident that Spain as a power is scarcely felt in it. These new States
had completely achieved their independence before it was acknowledged
by the United States, and they have since maintained it with little
foreign pressure. The disturbances which have appeared in certain
portions of that vast territory have proceeded from internal causes,
which had their origin in their former Governments and have not yet
been thoroughly removed.

It is manifest that these causes are daily losing their effect, and
that these new States are settling down under Governments elective
and representative in every branch, similar to our own. In this
course we ardently wish them to persevere, under a firm conviction
that it will promote their happiness. In this, their career, however,
we have not interfered, believing that every people have a right to
institute for themselves the government which, in their judgment, may
suit them best.

Our example is before them, of the good effect of which, being our
neighbors, they are competent judges, and to their judgment we leave
it, in the expectation that other powers will pursue the same policy.
The deep interest which we take in their independence, which we have
acknowledged, and in their enjoyment of all the rights incident
thereto, especially in the very important one of instituting their
own Governments, has been declared, and is known to the world.

Separated as we are from Europe by the great Atlantic Ocean, we can
have no concern in the wars of the European Governments nor in the
causes which produce them. The balance of power between them, into
whichever scale it may turn in its various vibrations, can not affect
us. It is the interest of the United States to preserve the most
friendly relations with every power and on conditions fair, equal,
and applicable to all.

But in regard to our neighbors our situation is different. It is
impossible for the European Governments to interfere in their
concerns, especially in those alluded to, which are vital, without
affecting us; indeed, the motive which might induce such interference
in the present state of the war between the parties, if a war it may
be called, would appear to be equally applicable to us. It is
gratifying to know that some of the powers with whom we enjoy a very
friendly intercourse, and to whom these views have been communicated,
have appeared to acquiesce in them.

The augmentation of our population with the expansion of our Union
and increased number of States have produced effects in certain
branches of our system which merit the attention of Congress. Some of
our arrangements, and particularly the judiciary establishment, were
made with a view to the original 13 States only. Since then the
United States have acquired a vast extent of territory; eleven new
States have been admitted into the Union, and Territories have been
laid off for three others, which will likewise be admitted at no
distant day.

An organization of the Supreme Court which assigns the judges any
portion of the duties which belong to the inferior, requiring their
passage over so vast a space under any distribution of the States
that may now be made, if not impracticable in the execution, must
render it impossible for them to discharge the duties of either
branch with advantage to the Union. The duties of the Supreme Court
would be of great importance if its decisions were confined to the
ordinary limits of other tribunals, but when it is considered that
this court decides, and in the last resort, on all the great
questions which arise under our Constitution, involving those between
the United States individually, between the States and the United
States, and between the latter and foreign powers, too high an
estimate of their importance can not be formed. The great interests
of the nation seem to require that the judges of the Supreme Court
should be exempted from every other duty than those which are
incident to that high trust. The organization of the inferior courts
would of course be adapted to circumstances. It is presumed that such
an one might be formed as would secure an able and faithful discharge
of their duties, and without any material augmentation of expense.

The condition of the aborigines within our limits, and especially
those who are within the limits of any of the States, merits likewise
particular attention. Experience has shown that unless the tribes be
civilized they can never be incorporated into our system in any form
whatever. it has likewise shown that in the regular augmentation of
our population with the extension of our settlements their situation
will become deplorable, if their extinction is not menaced.

Some well-digested plan which will rescue them from such calamities
is due to their rights, to the rights of humanity, and to the honor
of the nation. Their civilization is indispensable to their safety,
and this can be accomplished only by degrees. The process must
commence with the infant state, through whom some effect may be
wrought on the parental. Difficulties of the most serious character
present themselves to the attainment of this very desirable result on
the territory on which they now reside. To remove them from it by
force, even with a view to their own security and happiness, would be
revolting to humanity and utterly unjustifiable. Between the limits of
our present States and Territories and the Rocky Mountains and Mexico
there is a vast territory to which they might be invited with
inducements which might be successful. It is thought if that
territory should be divided into districts by previous agreement with
the tribes now residing there and civil governments be established in
each, with schools for every branch of instruction in literature and
the arts of civilized life, that all the tribes now within our limits
might gradually be drawn there. The execution of this plan would
necessarily be attended with expense, and that not inconsiderable,
but it is doubted whether any other can be devised which would be
less liable to that objection or more likely to succeed.

In looking to the interests which the United States have on the
Pacific Ocean and on the western coast of this continent, the
propriety of establishing a military post at the mouth of the
Columbia River, or at some other point in that quarter within our
acknowledged limits, is submitted to the consideration of Congress.
Our commerce and fisheries on that sea and along the coast have much
increased and are increasing. It is thought that a military post, to
which our ships of war might resort, would afford protection to every
interest, and have a tendency to conciliate the tribes to the North
West, with whom our trade is extensive. It is thought also that by
the establishment of such a post the intercourse between our Western
States and Territories and the Pacific and our trade with the tribes
residing in the interior on each side of the Rocky Mountains would be
essentially promoted. To carry this object into effect the
appropriation of an adequate sum to authorize the employment of a
frigate, with an officer of the Corps of Engineers, to explore the
mouth of the Columbia River and the coast contiguous thereto, to
enable the Executive to make such establishment at the most suitable
point, is recommended to Congress.

It is thought that attention is also due to the improvement of this
city. The communication between the public buildings and in various
other parts and the grounds around those buildings require it. It is
presumed also that the completion of the canal from the Tiber to the
Eastern Branch would have a very salutary effect. Great exertions
have been made and expenses incurred by the citizens in improvements
of various kinds; but those which are suggested belong exclusively to
the Government, or are of a nature to require expenditures beyond
their resources. The public lots which are still for sale would, it
is not doubted, be more than adequate for these purposes.

From the view above presented it is manifest that the situation of
the United States is in the highest degree prosperous and happy.
There is no object which as a people we can desire which we do not
possess or which is not within our reach. Blessed with governments
the happiest which the world ever knew, with no distinct orders in
society or divided interests in any portion of the vast territory
over which their dominion extends, we have every motive to cling
together which can animate a virtuous and enlightened people. The
great object is to preserve these blessings, and to hand them down to
the latest posterity.

Our experience ought to satisfy us that our progress under the most
correct and provident policy will not be exempt from danger. Our
institutions form an important epoch in the history of the civilized
world. On their preservation and in their utmost purity everything
will depend. Extending as our interests do to every part of the
inhabited globe and to every sea to which our citizens are carried by
their industry and enterprise, to which they are invited by the wants
of others, and have a right to go, we must either protect them in the
enjoyment of their rights or abandon them in certain events to waste
and desolation.

Our attitude is highly interesting as relates to other powers, and
particularly to our southern neighbors. We have duties to perform WRT
all to which we must be faithful. To every kind of danger we should
pay the most vigilant and unceasing attention, remove the cause where
it may be practicable, and be prepared to meet it when inevitable.

Against foreign danger the policy of the Government seems to be
already settled. The events of the late war admonished us to make our
maritime frontier impregnable by a well-digested chain of
fortifications, and to give efficient protection to our commerce by
augmenting our Navy to a certain extent, which has been steadily
pursued, and which it is incumbent upon us to complete as soon as
circumstances will permit. In the event of war it is on the maritime
frontier that we shall be assailed. It is in that quarter, therefore,
that we should be prepared to meet the attack. It is there that our
whole force will be called into action to prevent the destruction of
our towns and the desolation and pillage of the interior.

To give full effect to this policy great improvements will be
indispensable. Access to those works by every practicable
communication should be made easy and in every direction. The
intercourse between every part of our Union should also be promoted
and facilitated by the exercise of those powers which may comport
with a faithful regard to the great principles of our Constitution.
With respect to internal causes, those great principles point out
with equal certainty the policy to be pursued.

Resting on the people as our Governments do, State and National, with
well-defined powers, it is of the highest importance that they
severally keep within the limits prescribed to them. Fulfilling that
sacred duty, it is of equal importance that the movement between them
be harmonious, and in case of any disagreement, should any such occur,
a calm appeal be made to the people, and that their voice be heard and
promptly obeyed. Both Governments being instituted for the common
good, we can not fail to prosper while those who made them are
attentive to the conduct of their representatives and control their
measures. In the pursuit of these great objects let a generous spirit
and national views and feelings be indulged, and let every part
recollect that by cherishing that spirit and improving the condition
of the others in what relates to their welfare the general interest
will not only be promoted, but the local advantage be reciprocated by
all.

I can not conclude this communication, the last of the kind which I
shall have to make, without recollecting with great sensibility and
heart felt gratitude the many instances of the public confidence and
the generous support which I have received from my fellow citizens in
the various trusts with which I have been honored. Having commenced my
service in early youth, and continued it since with few and short
intervals, I have witnessed the great difficulties to which our Union
has been surmounted. From the present prosperous and happy state I
derive a gratification which I can not express. That these blessings
may be preserved and perpetuated will be the object of my fervent and
unceasing prayers to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe.