Presidential Speeches

State of the Union 1900




State of the Union 1900

President William McKinley
State of the Union 1900-12-03

Speech Transcript:

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

At the outgoing of the old and the incoming of the new century you
begin the last session of the Fifty-sixth Congress with evidences on
every hand of individual and national prosperity and with proof of
the growing strength and increasing power for good of Republican
institutions. Your countrymen will join with you in felicitation that
American liberty is more firmly established than ever before, and that
love for it and the determination to preserve it are more universal
than at any former period of our history.

The Republic was never so strong, because never so strongly
entrenched in the hearts of the people as now. The Constitution, with
few amendments, exists as it left the hands of its authors. The
additions which have been made to it proclaim larger freedom and more
extended citizenship. Popular government has demonstrated in its one
hundred and twenty-four years of trial here its stability and
security, and its efficiency as the best instrument of national
development and the best safeguard to human rights.

When the Sixth Congress assembled in November, 1800, the population
of the United States was 5,308,483. It is now 76,304,799. Then we had
sixteen States. Now we have forty-five. Then our territory consisted
Of 909,050 square miles. It is now 3,846,595 square miles. Education,
religion, and morality have kept pace with our advancement in other
directions, and while extending its power the Government has adhered
to its foundation principles and abated none of them in dealing with
our new peoples and possessions. A nation so preserved and blessed
gives reverent thanks to God and invokes His guidance and the
continuance of His care and favor.

In our foreign intercourse the dominant question has been the
treatment of the Chinese problem. Apart from this our relations with
the powers have been happy.

The recent troubles in China spring from the antiforeign agitation
which for the past three years has gained strength in the northern
provinces. Their origin lies deep in the character of the Chinese
races and in the traditions of their Government. The Taiping
rebellion and the opening of Chinese ports to foreign trade and
settlement disturbed alike the homogeneity and the seclusion of
China.

Meanwhile foreign activity made itself felt in all quarters, not
alone on the coast, but along the great river arteries and in the
remoter districts, carrying new ideas and introducing new
associations among a primitive people which had pursued for centuries
a national policy of isolation.

The telegraph and the railway spreading over their land, the steamers
plying on their waterways, the merchant and the missionary penetrating
year by year farther to the interior, became to the Chinese mind types
of an alien invasion, changing the course of their national life and
fraught with vague forebodings of disaster to their beliefs and their
self-control.

For several years before the present troubles all the resources of
foreign diplomacy, backed by moral demonstrations of the physical
force of fleets and arms, have been needed to secure due respect for
the treaty rights of foreigners and to obtain satisfaction from the
responsible authorities for the sporadic outrages upon the persons
and property of unoffending sojourners, which from time to time
occurred at widely separated points in the northern provinces, as in
the case of the outbreaks in Sze-chuen and Shan-tung.

Posting of antiforeign placards became a daily occurrence, which the
repeated reprobation of the Imperial power failed to check or punish.
These inflammatory appeals to the ignorance and superstition of the
masses, mendacious and absurd in their accusations and deeply hostile
in their spirit, could not but work cumulative harm. They aimed at no
particular class of foreigners; they were impartial in attacking
everything foreign.

An outbreak in Shan-tung, in which German missionaries were slain,
was the too natural result of these malevolent teachings.

The posting of seditious placards, exhorting to the utter destruction
of foreigners and of every foreign thing, continued unrebuked. Hostile
demonstrations toward the stranger gained strength by organization.

The sect, commonly styled the Boxers, developed greatly in the
provinces north of the Yang-Tse, and with the collusion of many
notable officials, including some in the immediate councils of the
Throne itself, became alarmingly aggressive. No foreigner's life,
outside of the protected treaty ports, was safe. No foreign interest
was secure from spoliation.

The diplomatic representatives of the powers in Peking strove in vain
to check this movement. Protest was followed by demand and demand by
renewed protest, to be met with perfunctory edicts from the Palace
and evasive and futile assurances from the Tsung-li Yamen. The circle
of the Boxer influence narrowed about Peking, and while nominally
stigmatized as seditious, it was felt that its spirit pervaded the
capital itself, that the Imperial forces were imbued with its
doctrines, and that the immediate counselors of the Empress Dowager
were in full sympathy with the antiforeign movement.

The increasing gravity of the conditions in China and the imminence
of peril to our own diversified interests in the Empire, as well as
to those of all the other treaty governments, were soon appreciated
by this Government, causing it profound solicitude. The United States
from the earliest days of foreign intercourse with China had followed
a policy of peace, omitting no occasions to testify good will, to
further the extension of lawful trade, to respect the sovereignty of
its Government, and to insure by all legitimate and kindly but
earnest means the fullest measure of protection for the lives and
property of our law-abiding citizens and for the exercise of their
beneficent callings among the Chinese people.

Mindful of this, it was felt to be appropriate that our purposes
should be pronounced in favor of such course as would hasten united
action of the powers at Peking to promote the administrative reforms
so greatly needed for strengthening the Imperial Government and
maintaining the integrity of China, in which we believed the whole
western world to be alike concerned. To these ends I caused to be
addressed to the several powers occupying territory and maintaining
spheres of influence in China the circular proposals of 1899,
inviting from them declarations of their intentions and views as to
the desirability of the adoption of measures insuring the benefits of
equality of treatment of all foreign trade throughout China.

With gratifying unanimity the responses coincided in this common
policy, enabling me to see in the successful termination of these
negotiations proof of the friendly spirit which animates the various
powers interested in the untrammeled development of commerce and
industry in the Chinese Empire as a source of vast benefit to the
whole commercial world.

In this conclusion, which I had the gratification to announce as a
completed engagement to the interested powers on March 20, 1900, I
hopefully discerned a potential factor for the abatement of the
distrust of foreign purposes which for a year past had appeared to
inspire the policy of the Imperial Government, and for the effective
exertion by it of power and authority to quell the critical
antiforeign movement in the northern provinces most immediately
influenced by the Manchu sentiment.

Seeking to testify confidence in the willingness and ability of the
Imperial administration to redress the wrongs and prevent the evils
we suffered and feared, the marine guard, which had been sent to
Peking in the autumn of 1899 for the protection of the legation, was
withdrawn at the earliest practicable moment, and all pending
questions were remitted, as far as we were concerned, to the ordinary
resorts of diplomatic intercourse.

The Chinese Government proved, however, unable to check the rising
strength of the Boxers and appeared to be a prey to internal
dissensions. In the unequal contest the antiforeign influences soon
gained the ascendancy under the leadership of Prince Tuan. Organized
armies of Boxers, with which the Imperial forces affiliated, held the
country between Peking and the coast, penetrated into Manchuria up to
the Russian borders, and through their emissaries threatened a like
rising throughout northern China.

Attacks upon foreigners, destruction of their property, and slaughter
of native converts were reported from all sides. The Tsung-li Yamen,
already permeated with hostile sympathies, could make no effective
response to the appeals of the legations. At this critical juncture,
in the early spring of this year, a proposal was made by the other
powers that a combined fleet should be assembled in Chinese waters as
a moral demonstration, under cover of which to exact of the Chinese
Government respect for foreign treaty rights and the suppression of
the Boxers.

The United States, while not participating in the joint
demonstration, promptly sent from the Philippines all ships that
could be spared for service on the Chinese coast. A small force of
marines was landed at Taku and sent to Peking for the protection of
the American legation. Other powers took similar action, until some
four hundred men were assembled in the capital as legation guards.

Still the peril increased. The legations reported the development of
the seditious movement in Peking and the need of increased provision
for defense against it. While preparations were in progress for a
larger expedition, to strengthen the legation guards and keep the
railway open, an attempt of the foreign ships to make a landing at
Taku was met by a fire from the Chinese forts. The forts were
thereupon shelled by the foreign vessels, the American admiral taking
no part in the attack, on the ground that we were not at war with
China and that a hostile demonstration might consolidate the
antiforeign elements and strengthen the Boxers to oppose the
relieving column.

Two days later the Taku forts were captured after a sanguinary
conflict. Severance of communication with Peking followed, and a
combined force of additional guards, which was advancing to Peking by
the Pei-Ho, was checked at Langfang. The isolation of the legations
was complete.

The siege and the relief of the legations has passed into undying
history. In all the stirring chapter which records the heroism of the
devoted band, clinging to hope in the face of despair, and the
undaunted spirit that led their relievers through battle and
suffering to the goal, it is a memory of which my countrymen may be
justly proud that the honor of our flag was maintained alike in the
siege and the rescue, and that stout American hearts have again set
high, in fervent emulation with true men of other race and language,
the indomitable courage that ever strives for the cause of right and
justice.

By June 19 the legations were cut off. An identical note from the,
Yamen ordered each minister to leave Peking, under a promised escort,
within twenty-four hours. To gain time they replied, asking
prolongation of the time, which was afterwards granted, and
requesting an interview with the Tsung-li Yamen on the following day.
No reply being received, on the morning of the 20th the German
minister, Baron von Ketteler, set out for the Yamen to obtain a
response, and oil the way was murdered.

An attempt by the legation guard to recover his body was foiled by
the Chinese. Armed forces turned out against the legations. Their
quarters were surrounded and attacked. The mission compounds were
abandoned, their inmates taking refuge in the British legation, where
all the other legations and guards gathered for more effective
defense. Four hundred persons were crowded in its narrow compass. Two
thousand native converts were assembled in a nearby palace under
protection of the foreigners. Lines of defense were strengthened,
trenches dug, barricades raised, and preparations made to stand a
siege, which at once began.

From June 20 until July 17, writes Minister Conger, "there was
scarcely an hour during which there was not firing upon some part of
our lines and into some of the legations, varying from a single shot
to a general and continuous attack along the whole line." Artillery
was placed around the legations and on the over-looking palace walls,
and thousands Of 3-inch shot and shell were fired, destroying some
buildings and damaging all. So thickly did the balls rain, that, when
the ammunition of the besieged ran low, five quarts of Chinese bullets
were gathered in an hour in one compound and recast.

Attempts were made to burn the legations by setting neighboring
houses on fire, but the flames were successfully fought off, although
the Austrian, Belgian, Italian. and Dutch legations were then and
subsequently burned. With the aid of the native converts, directed by
the missionaries, to whose helpful co-operation Mr. Conger awards
unstinted praise, the British legation was made a veritable fortress.
The British minister, Sir Claude MacDonald, was chosen general
commander of the defense, with the secretary of the American
legation, Mr. E. G. Squiers, as chief of staff.

To save life and ammunition the besieged sparingly returned the
incessant fire of the Chinese soldiery, fighting only to repel attack
or make an occasional successful sortie for strategic advantage, such
as that of fifty-five American, British, and Russian marines led by
Captain Myers, of the United States Marine Corps, which resulted in
the capture of a formidable barricade on the wall that gravely
menaced the American position. It was held to the last, and proved an
invaluable acquisition, because commanding the water gate through
which the relief column entered.

During the siege the defenders lost 65 killed, 135 wounded, and 7 by
disease, the last all children.

On July 14 the besieged had their first communication with the
Tsung-li Yamen, from whom a message came inviting to a conference,
which was declined. Correspondence, however, ensued and a sort of
armistice was agreed upon, which stopped the bombardment and lessened
the rifle fire for a time. Even then no protection whatever was
afforded, nor any aid given, save to send to the legations a small
supply of fruit and three sacks of flour.

Indeed, the only communication had with the Chinese Government
related to the occasional delivery or dispatch of a telegram or to
the demands of the Tsung-li Yamen for the withdrawal of the legations
to the coast under escort. Not only are the protestations of the
Chinese Government that it protected and succored the legations
positively contradicted, but irresistible proof accumulates that the
attacks upon them were made by Imperial troops, regularly uniformed,
armed, and officered, belonging to the command of Jung Lu, the
Imperial commander in chief. Decrees encouraging the Boxers,
organizing them tinder prominent Imperial officers, provisioning
them, and even granting them large sums in the name of the Empress
Dowager, are known to exist. Members of the Tsung-li Yamen who
counseled protection of the foreigners were beheaded. Even in the
distant provinces men suspected of foreign sympathy were put to
death, prominent among these being Chang Yen-hoon, formerly Chinese
minister in Washington.

With the negotiation of the partial armistice of July 14, a
proceeding which was doubtless promoted by the representations of the
Chinese envoy in Washington, the way was opened for the conveyance to
Mr. Conger of a test message sent by the Secretary of State through
the kind offices of Minister Wu Ting-fang. Mr. Conger's reply,
dispatched from Peking on July 18 through the same channel, afforded
to the outside world the first tidings that the inmates of the
legations were still alive and hoping for succor.

This news stimulated the preparations for a joint relief expedition
in numbers sufficient to overcome the resistance which for a month
had been organizing between Taku and the capital. Reinforcements sent
by all the co-operating Governments were constantly arriving. The
United States contingent, hastily assembled from the Philippines or
dispatched from this country, amounted to some 5,000 men, under the
able command first of the lamented Colonel Liscurn and afterwards of
General Chaffee.

Toward the end of July the movement began. A severe conflict followed
at Tientsin, in which Colonel Liscurn was killed. The city was stormed
and partly destroyed. Its capture afforded the base of operations from
which to make the final advance, which began in the first days of
August, the expedition being made up of Japanese, Russian, British,
and American troops at the outset.

Another battle was fought and won at Yangtsun. Thereafter the
disheartened Chinese troops offered little show of resistance. A few
days later the important position of Ho-si-woo was taken. A rapid
march brought the united forces to the populous city of Tung Chow,
which capitulated without a contest.

On August 14 the capital was reached. After a brief conflict beneath
the walls the relief column entered and the legations were saved. The
United States soldiers, sailors, and marines, officers and men alike,
in those distant climes and unusual surroundings, showed the same
valor, discipline, and good conduct and gave proof of the same high
degree of intelligence and efficiency which have distinguished them
in every emergency.

The Imperial family and the Government had fled a few days before.
The city was without visible control. The remaining Imperial soldiery
had made on the night of the 13th a last attempt to exterminate the
besieged, which was gallantly repelled. It fell to the occupying
forces to restore order and organize a provisional administration.

Happily the acute disturbances were confined to the northern
provinces. It is a relief to recall and a pleasure to record the
loyal conduct of the viceroys and local authorities of the southern
and eastern provinces. Their efforts were continuously directed to
the pacific control of the vast populations under their rule and to
the scrupulous observance of foreign treaty rights. At critical
moments they did not hesitate to memorialize the Throne, urging the
protection of the legations, the restoration of communication, and
the assertion of the Imperial authority against the subversive
elements. They maintained excellent relations with the official
representatives of foreign powers. To their kindly disposition is
largely due the success of the consuls in removing many of the
missionaries from the interior to places of safety. In this relation
the action of the consuls should be highly commended. In Shan-tung
and eastern Chi-li the task was difficult, but, thanks to their
energy and the cooperation of American and foreign naval commanders,
hundreds of foreigners, including those of other nationalities than
ours, were rescued from imminent peril.

The policy of the United States through all this trying period was
clearly announced and scrupulously carried out. A circular note to
the powers dated July 3 proclaimed our attitude. Treating the
condition in the north as one of virtual anarchy, in which the great
provinces of the south and southeast had no share, we regarded the
local authorities in the latter quarters as representing the Chinese
people with whom we sought to remain in peace and friendship. Our
declared aims involved no war against the Chinese nation. We adhered
to the legitimate office of rescuing the imperiled legation,
obtaining redress for wrongs already suffered, securing wherever
possible the safety of American life and property in China, and
preventing a spread of the disorders or their recurrence.

As was then said, "The policy of the Government of the United States
is to seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and
peace to China, preserve Chinese territorial and administrative
entity, protect all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty
and international law, and safeguard for the world the principle of
equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire."

Faithful to those professions which, as it proved, reflected the
views and purposes of the other co-operating Governments, all our
efforts have been directed toward ending the anomalous situation in
China by negotiations for a settlement at the earliest possible
moment. As soon as the sacred duty of relieving our legation and its
dependents was accomplished we withdrew from active hostilities,
leaving our legation under an adequate guard in Peking as a channel
of negotiation and settlement--a course adopted by others of the
interested powers. Overtures of the empowered representatives of the
Chinese Emperor have been considerately entertained.

The Russian proposition looking to the restoration of the Imperial
power in Peking has been accepted as in full consonance with our own
desires, for we have held and hold that effective reparation for
wrongs suffered and an enduring settlement that will make their
recurrence impossible can best be brought about under an authority
which the Chinese nation reverences and obeys. While so doing we
forego no jot of our undoubted right to exact exemplary and deterrent
punishment of the responsible authors and abettors of the criminal
acts whereby we and other nations have suffered grievous injury.

For the real culprits, the evil counselors who have misled the
Imperial judgment and diverted the sovereign authority to their own
guilty ends, full expiation becomes imperative within the rational
limits of retributive Justice. Regarding this as the initial
condition of an acceptable settlement between China and the powers, I
said in my message of October 18 to the Chinese Emperor: I trust that
negotiations may begin so soon as we and the other offended
Governments shall be effectively satisfied of Your Majesty's ability
and power to treat with just sternness the principal offenders, who
are doubly culpable, not alone toward the foreigners, but toward Your
Majesty, under whose rule the purpose of China to dwell in concord
with the world had hitherto found expression in the welcome and
protection assured to strangers. Taking, as a point of departure, the
Imperial edict appointing Earl Li Hung Chang and Prince Ching
plenipotentiaries to arrange a settlement, and the edict of September
25, whereby certain high officials were designated for punishment,
this Government has moved, in concert with the other powers, toward
the opening of negotiations, which Mr. Conger, assisted by Mr.
Rockhill, has been authorized to conduct on behalf of the United
States.

General bases of negotiation formulated by the Government of the
French Republic have been accepted with certain reservations as to
details, made necessary by our own circumstances, but, like similar
reservations by other powers, open to discussion in the progress of
the negotiations. The disposition of the Emperor's Government to
admit liability for wrongs done to foreign Governments and their
nationals, and to act upon such additional designation of the guilty
persons as the foreign ministers at Peking may be in a position to
make, gives hope of a complete settlement of all questions involved,
assuring foreign rights of residence and intercourse on terms of
equality for all the world.

I regard as one of the essential factors of a durable adjustment the
securement of adequate guarantees for liberty of faith, since
insecurity of those natives who may embrace alien creeds is a
scarcely less effectual assault upon the rights of foreign worship
and teaching than would be the direct invasion thereof.

The matter of indemnity for our wronged citizens is a question of
grave concern. Measured in money alone, a sufficient reparation may
prove to be beyond the ability of China to meet. All the powers
concur in emphatic disclaimers of any purpose of aggrandizement
through the dismemberment of the Empire. I am disposed to think that
due compensation may be made in part by increased guarantees of
security for foreign rights and immunities, and, most important of
all, by the opening of China to the equal commerce of all the world.
These views have been and will be earnestly advocated by our
representatives.

The Government of Russia has put forward a suggestion, that in the
event of protracted divergence of views in regard to indemnities the
matter may be relegated to the Court of Arbitration at The Hague. I
favorably incline to this, believing that high tribunal could not
fail to reach a solution no less conducive to the stability and
enlarged prosperity of China itself than immediately beneficial to
the powers.

Ratifications of a treaty of extradition with the Argentine Republic
were exchanged on June 2 last.

While the Austro-Hungarian Government has in the many cases that have
been reported of the arrest of our naturalized citizens for alleged
evasion of military service faithfully observed the provisions of the
treaty and released such persons from military obligations, it has in
some instances expelled those whose presence in the community of
their origin was asserted to have a pernicious influence.
Representations have been made against this course whenever its
adoption has appeared unduly onerous.

We have been urgently solicited by Belgium to ratify the
International Convention of June, 1899, amendatory of the previous
Convention of 1890 in respect to the regulation of the liquor trade
in Africa. Compliance was necessarily withheld, in the absence of the
advice and consent of the Senate thereto. The principle involved has
the cordial sympathy of this Government, which in the reversionary
negotiations advocated more drastic measures, and I would gladly see
its extension, by international agreement, to the restriction of the
liquor traffic with all uncivilized peoples, especially in the
Western Pacific.

A conference will be held at Brussels December 11, 1900, under the
Convention for the protection of industrial property, concluded at
Paris March 20, 1883, to which delegates from this country have been
appointed. Any lessening of the difficulties that our inventors
encounter in obtaining patents abroad for their inventions and that
our farmers, manufacturers, and merchants may have in the protection
of their trade-marks is worthy of careful consideration, and your
attention will be called to the results of the conference at the
proper time.

In the interest of expanding trade between this country and South
America, efforts have been made during the past year to conclude
conventions with the southern republics for the enlargement of postal
facilities. Two such agreements, signed with Bolivia on April 24, of
which that establishing the money-order system is undergoing certain
changes suggested by the Post-Office Department, have not yet been
ratified by this Government. A treaty of extradition with that
country, signed on the same day, is before the Senate.

A boundary dispute between Brazil and Bolivia over the territory of
Acre is in a fair way of friendly adjustment, a protocol signed in
December, 1899, having agreed on a definite frontier and provided for
its demarcation by a joint commission.

Conditions in Brazil have weighed heavily on our export trade to that
country in marked contrast to the favorable conditions upon which
Brazilian products are admitted into our markets. Urgent
representations have been made to that Government on the subject and
some amelioration has been effected. We rely upon the reciprocal
justice and good will of that Government to assure to us a further
improvement in our commercial relations.

The Convention signed May 24, 1897, for the final settlement of
claims left in abeyance upon the dissolution of the Commission of
1893, was at length ratified by the Chilean Congress and the
supplemental Commission has been organized.

It remains for the Congress to appropriate for the necessary expenses
of the Commission.

The insurrectionary movement which disturbed Colombia in the latter
part of 1899 has been practically suppressed, although guerrillas
still operate in some departments. The executive power of that
Republic changed hands in August last by the act of Vice-President
Marroquin in assuming the reins of government during the absence of
President San Clemente from the capital. The change met with no
serious opposition, and, following the precedents in such cases, the
United States minister entered into relations with the new defacto
Government on September 17.

It is gratifying to announce that the residual questions between
Costa Rica and Nicaragua growing out of the Award of President
Cleveland in 1888 have been adjusted through the choice of an
American engineer, General E. P. Alexander, as umpire to run the
disputed line. His task has been accomplished to the satisfaction of
both contestants.

A revolution in the Dominican Republic toward the close of last year
resulted in the installation of President Jimenez, whose Government
was formally recognized in January. Since then final payment has been
made of the American claim in regard to the Ozama bridge.

The year of the exposition has been fruitful in occasions for
displaying the good will that exists between this country and France.
This great competition brought together from every nation the best in
natural productions, industry, science, and the arts, submitted in
generous rivalry to a judgment made all the more searching because of
that rivalry. The extraordinary increase of exportations from this
country during the past three years and the activity with which our
inventions and wares had invaded new markets caused much interest to
center upon the American exhibit, and every encouragement was offered
in the way of space and facilities to permit of its being
comprehensive as a whole and complete in every part.

It was, however, not an easy task to assemble exhibits that could
fitly illustrate our diversified resources and manufactures.
Singularly enough, our national prosperity lessened the incentive to
exhibit. The dealer in raw materials knew that the user must come to
him; the great factories were contented with the phenomenal demand
for their output, not alone at home, but also abroad, where merit had
already won a profitable trade.

Appeals had to be made to the patriotism of exhibitors to induce them
to incur outlays promising no immediate return. This was especially
the case where it became needful to complete an industrial sequence
or illustrate a class of processes. One manufacturer after another
had to be visited and importuned, and at times, after a promise to
exhibit in a particular section had been obtained, it would be
withdrawn, owing to pressure of trade orders, and a new quest would
have to be made.

The installation of exhibits, too, encountered many obstacles and
involved unexpected cost. The exposition was far from ready at the
date fixed for its opening. The French transportation lines were
congested with offered freight. Belated goods had to be hastily
installed in unfinished quarters with whatever labor could be
obtained in the prevailing confusion. Nor was the task of the
Commission lightened by the fact that, owing to the scheme of
classification adopted, it was impossible to have the entire exhibit
of any one country in the same building or more than one group of
exhibits in the same part of any building. Our installations were
scattered on both sides of the Seine and in widely remote suburbs of
Paris, so that additional assistants were needed for the work of
supervision and arrangement.

Despite all these drawbacks the contribution of the United States was
not only the largest foreign display, but was among the earliest in
place and the most orderly in arrangement. Our exhibits were shown in
one hundred and one out of one hundred and twenty-one classes, and
more completely covered the entire classification than those of any
other nation. In total number they ranked next after those of France,
and the attractive form in which they were presented secured general
attention.

A criterion of the extent and success of our participation and of the
thoroughness with which our exhibits were organized is seen in the
awards granted to American exhibitors by the international jury,
namely, grand prizes, 240; gold medals, 597; silver medals, 776;
bronze medals, 541, and honorable mentions, 322--2,476 in all, being
the greatest total number given to the exhibit of any exhibiting
nation, as well as the largest number in each grade. This significant
recognition of merit in competition with the chosen exhibits of all
other nations and at the hands of juries almost wholly made up of
representatives of France and other competing countries is not only
most gratifying, but is especially valuable, since it sets us to the
front in international questions of supply and demand, while the
large proportion of awards in the classes of art and artistic
manufactures afforded unexpected proof of the stimulation of national
culture by the prosperity that flows from natural productiveness
joined to industrial excellence.

Apart from the exposition several occasions for showing international
good will occurred. The inauguration in Paris of the Lafayette
Monument, presented by the school children of the United States, and
the designing of a commemorative coin by our Mint and the
presentation of the first piece struck to the President of the
Republic, were marked by appropriate ceremonies, and the Fourth of
July was especially observed in the French capital.

Good will prevails in our relations with the German Empire. An
amicable adjustment of the long-pending question of the admission of
our life-insurance companies to do business in Prussia has been
reached. One of the principal companies has already been readmitted
and the way is opened for the others to share the privilege.

The settlement of the Samoan problem, to which I adverted in my last
message, has accomplished good results. Peace and contentment prevail
in the islands, especially in Tutuila, where a convenient
administration that has won the confidence and esteem of the kindly
disposed natives has been organized under the direction of the
commander of the United States naval station at Pago-Pago.

An Imperial meat inspection law has been enacted for Germany. While
it may simplify the inspections, it prohibits certain products
heretofore admitted. There is still great uncertainty as to whether
our well-nigh extinguished German trade in meat products can revive
tinder its new burdens. Much will depend upon regulations not yet
promulgated, which we confidently hope will be free from the
discriminations which attended the enforcement of the old statutes.

The remaining link in the new lines of direct telegraphic
communication between the United States and the German Empire has
recently been completed, affording a gratifying occasion for exchange
of friendly congratulations with the German Emperor.

Our friendly relations with Great Britain continue. The war in
Southern Africa introduced important questions. A condition unusual
in international wars was presented in that while one belligerent had
control of the seas, the other had no ports, shipping, or direct
trade, but was only accessible through the territory of a neutral.
Vexatious questions arose through Great Britain's action in respect
to neutral cargoes, not contraband in their own nature, shipped to
Portuguese South Africa, on the score of probable or suspected
ultimate destination to the Boer States.

Such consignments in British ships, by which alone direct trade is
kept up between our ports and Southern Africa, were seized in
application of a municipal law prohibiting British vessels from
trading with the enemy without regard to any contraband character of
the goods, while cargoes shipped to Delagoa Bay in neutral bottoms
were arrested on the ground of alleged destination to enemy's
country. Appropriate representations on our part resulted in the
British Government agreeing to purchase outright all such goods shown
to be the actual property of American citizens, thus closing the
incident to the satisfaction of the immediately interested parties,
although, unfortunately, without a broad settlement of the question
of a neutral's right to send goods not contraband per se to a neutral
port adjacent to a belligerent area.

The work of marking certain provisional boundary points, for
convenience of administration, around the head of Lynn Canal, in
accordance with the temporary arrangement of October, 1899, Was
completed by a joint survey in July last. The modus vivendi has so
far worked without friction, and the Dominion Government has provided
rules and regulations for securing to our citizens the benefit of the
reciprocal stipulation that the citizens or subjects of either power
found by that arrangement within the temporary jurisdiction of the
other shall suffer no diminution of the rights and privileges they
have hitherto enjoyed. But however necessary such an expedient may
have been to tide over the grave emergencies of the situation, it is
at best but an unsatisfactory makeshift, which should not be suffered
to delay the speedy and complete establishment of the frontier line to
which we are entitled under the Russo-American treaty for the cession
of Alaska.

In this relation I may refer again to the need of definitely marking
the Alaskan boundary where it follows the one hundred and forty-first
meridian. A convention to that end has been before the Senate for some
two years, but as no action has been taken I contemplate negotiating a
new convention for a joint determination of the meridian by
telegraphic observations. These, it is believed, will give more
accurate and unquestionable results than the sidereal methods
heretofore independently followed, which, as is known, proved
discrepant at several points on the line, although not varying at any
place more than 700 feet.

The pending claim of R. H. May against the Guatemalan Government has
been settled by arbitration, Mr. George F. B. Jenner, British
minister at Guatemala, who was chosen as sole arbitrator, having
awarded $143,750.73 in gold to the claimant.

Various American claims against Haiti have been or are being advanced
to the resort of arbitration.

As the result of negotiations with the Government of Honduras in
regard to the indemnity demanded for the murder of Frank H. Pears in
Honduras, that Government has paid $10,000 in settlement of the claim
of the heirs.

The assassination of King Humbert called forth sincere expressions of
sorrow from this Government and people, and occasion was fitly taken
to testify to the Italian nation the high regard here felt for the
memory of the lamented ruler.

In my last message I referred at considerable length to the lynching
of five Italians at Tallulah. Notwithstanding the efforts of the
Federal Government, the production of evidence tending to inculpate
the authors of this grievous offense against our civilization, and
the repeated inquests set on foot by the authorities of the State of
Louisiana, no punishments have followed. Successive grand juries have
failed to indict. The representations of the Italian Government in the
face of this miscarriage have been most temperate and just.

Setting the principle at issue high above all consideration of merely
pecuniary indemnification, such as this Government made in the three
previous cases, Italy has solemnly invoked the pledges of existing
treaty and asked that the justice to which she is entitled shall be
meted in regard to her unfortunate countrymen in our territory with
the same full measure she herself would give to any American were his
reciprocal treaty rights contemned.

I renew the urgent recommendations I made last year that the Congress
appropriately confer upon the Federal courts jurisdiction in this
class of international cases where the ultimate responsibility of the
Federal Government may be involved, and I invite action upon the bills
to accomplish this which were introduced in the Sen. ate and House. It
is incumbent upon us to remedy the statutory omission which has led,
and may again lead, to such untoward results. I have pointed out the
necessity and the precedent for legislation of this character. Its
enactment is a simple measure of previsory justice toward the nations
with which we as a sovereign equal make treaties requiring reciprocal
observance.

While the Italian Government naturally regards such action as the
primary and, indeed, the most essential element in the disposal of
the Tallulah incident, I advise that, in accordance with precedent,
and in view of the improbability of that particular case being
reached by the bill now pending, Congress make gracious provision for
indemnity to the Italian sufferers in the same form and proportion as
heretofore.

In my inaugural address I referred to the general subject of lynching
in these words: Lynching must not be tolerated in a great and
civilized country like the United States; courts, not mobs, must
execute the penalties of the law. The preservation of public order,
the right of discussion, the integrity of courts, and the orderly
administration of justice must continue forever the rock of safety
upon which our Government securely rests. This I most urgently
reiterate and again invite the attention of my countrymen to this
reproach upon our civilization.

The closing year has witnessed a decided strengthening of Japan's
relations to other states. The development of her independent
judicial and administrative functions under the treaties which took
effect July 17, 1899, has proceeded without international friction,
showing the competence of the Japanese to hold a foremost place among
modern peoples.

In the treatment of the difficult Chinese problems Japan has acted in
harmonious concert with the other powers, and her generous cooperation
materially aided in the joint relief of the beleaguered legations in
Peking and in bringing about an understanding preliminary to a
settlement of the issues between the powers and China. Japan's
declarations in favor of the integrity of the Chinese Empire and the
conservation of open world trade therewith have been frank and
positive. As a factor for promoting the general interests of peace,
order, and fair commerce in the Far East the influence of Japan can
hardly be overestimated.

The valuable aid and kindly courtesies extended by the Japanese
Government and naval officers to the battle ship Oregon are
gratefully appreciated.

Complaint was made last summer of the discriminatory enforcement of a
bubonic quarantine against Japanese on the Pacific coast and of
interference with their travel in California and Colorado under the
health laws of those States. The latter restrictions have been
adjudged by a Federal court to be unconstitutional. No recurrence of
either cause of complaint is apprehended.

No noteworthy incident has occurred in our relations with our
important southern neighbor. Commercial intercourse with Mexico
continues to thrive, and the two Governments neglect no opportunity
to foster their mutual interests in all practicable ways.

Pursuant to the declaration of the Supreme Court that the awards of
the late joint Commission in the La Abra and Weil claims were
obtained through fraud, the sum awarded in the first case,
$403,030.08, has been returned to Mexico, and the amount of the Weil
award will be returned in like manner.

A Convention indefinitely extending the time for the labors of the
United States and Mexican International (Water) Boundary Commission
has been signed.

It is with satisfaction that I am able to announce the formal
notification at The Hague, on September 4, of the deposit of
ratifications of the Convention for the Pacific Settlement of
International Disputes by sixteen powers, namely, the United States,
Austria, Belgium, Denmark, England, France, Germany, Italy, Persia,
Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Spain, Sweden and Norway, and the
Netherlands. Japan also has since ratified the Convention.

The Administrative Council of the Permanent Court of Arbitration has
been organized and has adopted rules of order and a constitution for
the International Arbitration Bureau. In accordance with Article
XXIII of the Convention providing for the appointment by each
signatory power of persons of known competency in questions of
international law as arbitrators, I have appointed as members of this
Court, Hon. Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, ex-President of the United
States; Hon. Melville W. Fuller, of Illinois, Chief justice of the
United States; Hon. John W. Griggs, of New Jersey, Attorney General
of the United States; and Hon. George Gray, of Delaware, a judge of
the circuit court of the United States.

As an incident of the brief revolution in the Mosquito district of
Nicaragua early in 1899 the insurgents forcibly collected from
American merchants duties upon imports. On the restoration of order
the Nicaraguan authorities demanded a second payment of such duties
on the ground that they were due to the titular Government and that
their diversion had aided the revolt.

This position was not accepted by us. After prolonged discussion a
compromise was effected under which the amount of the second payments
was deposited with the British consul at San Juan del Norte in trust
until the two Governments should determine whether the first payments
had been made under compulsion to a de facto authority. Agreement as
to this was not reached, and the point was waived by the act of the
Nicaraguan Government in requesting the British consul to return the
deposits to the merchants.

Menacing differences between several of the Central American States
have been accommodated, our ministers rendering good offices toward
an understanding.

The all-important matter of an interoceanic canal has assumed a new
phase. Adhering to its refusal to reopen the question of the
forfeiture of the contract of the Maritime Canal Company, which was
terminated for alleged nonexecution in October, 1899, the Government
of Nicaragua has since supplemented that action by declaring the so
styled Eyre-Cragin option void for nonpayment of the stipulated
advance. Protests in relation to these acts have been filed in the
State Department and are under consideration. Deeming itself relieved
from existing engagements, the Nicaraguan Government shows a
disposition to deal freely with the canal question either in the way
of negotiations with the United States or by taking measures to
promote the waterway.

Overtures for a convention to effect the building of a canal under
the auspices of the United States are under consideration. In the
meantime, the views of the Congress upon the general subject, in the
light of the report of the Commission appointed to examine the
comparative merits of the various trans-Isthmian ship-canal projects,
may be awaited.

I commend to the early attention of the Senate the Convention with
Great Britain to facilitate the construction of such a canal and to
remove any objection which might arise out of the Convention commonly
called the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.

The long-standing contention with Portugal, growing out of the
seizure of the Delagoa Bay Railway, has been at last determined by a
favorable award of the tribunal of arbitration at Berne, to which it
was submitted. The amount of the award, which was deposited in London
awaiting arrangements by the Governments of the United States and
Great Britain for its disposal, has recently been paid over to the
two Governments.

A lately signed Convention of Extradition with Peru as amended by the
Senate has been ratified by the Peruvian Congress.

Another illustration of the policy of this Government to refer
international disputes to impartial arbitration is seen in the
agreement reached with Russia to submit the claims on behalf of
American sealing vessels seized in Bering Sea to determination by Mr.
T. M. C. Asser, a distinguished statesman and jurist of the
Netherlands.

Thanks are due to the Imperial Russian Government for the kindly aid
rendered by its authorities in eastern Siberia to American
missionaries fleeing from Manchuria.

Satisfactory progress has been made toward the conclusion of a
general treaty of friendship and intercourse with Spain, in
replacement of the old treaty, which passed into abeyance by reason
of the late war. A new convention of extradition is approaching
completion, and I should be much pleased were a commercial
arrangement to follow. I feel that we should not suffer to pass any
opportunity to reaffirm the cordial ties that existed between us and
Spain from the time of our earliest independence, and to enhance the
mutual benefits of that commercial intercourse which is natural
between the two countries.

By the terms of the Treaty of Peace the line bounding the ceded
Philippine group in the southwest failed to include several small
islands lying westward of the Sulus, which have always been
recognized as under Spanish control. The occupation of Sibutd and
Cagayan Sulu by our naval forces elicited a claim on the part of
Spain, the essential equity of which could not be gainsaid. In order
to cure the defect of the treaty by removing all possible ground of
future misunderstanding respecting the interpretation of its third
article, I directed the negotiation of a supplementary treaty, which
will be forthwith laid before the Senate, whereby Spain quits all
title and claim of title to the islands named as well as to any and
all islands belonging to the Philippine Archipelago lying outside the
lines described in said third article, and agrees that all such
islands shall be comprehended in the cession of the archipelago as
fully as if they had been expressly included within those lines. In
consideration of this cession the United States is to pay to Spain
the sum of $100,000.

A bill is now pending to effect the recommendation made in my last
annual message that appropriate legislation be had to carry into
execution Article VII of the Treaty of Peace with Spain, by which the
United States assumed the payment of certain claims for indemnity of
its citizens against Spain. I ask that action be taken to fulfill
this obligation.

The King of Sweden and Norway has accepted the joint invitation of
the United States, Germany, and Great Britain to arbitrate claims
growing out of losses sustained in the Samoan Islands in the course
of military operations made necessary by the disturbances in 1899.

Our claims upon the Government of the Sultan for reparation for
injuries suffered by American citizens in Armenia and elsewhere give
promise of early and satisfactory settlement. His Majesty's good
disposition in this regard has been evinced by the issuance of an
irade for rebuilding the American college at Harpoot.

The failure of action by the Senate at its last session upon the
commercial conventions then submitted for its consideration and
approval, although caused by the great pressure of other legislative
business, has caused much disappointment to the agricultural and
industrial interests of the country, which hoped to profit by their
provisions. The conventional periods for their ratification having
expired, it became necessary to sign additional articles extending
the time for that purpose. This was requested on our part, and the
other Governments interested have concurred with the exception of one
convention, in respect to which no formal reply has been received.

Since my last communication to the Congress on this subject special
commercial agreements under the third section of the tariff act have
been proclaimed with Portugal, with Italy, and with Germany.
Commercial conventions tinder the general limitations of the fourth
section of the same act have been concluded with Nicaragua, with
Ecuador, with the Dominican Republic, with Great Britain on behalf of
the island of Trinidad, and with Denmark on behalf of the island of
St. Croix. These will be early communicated to the Senate.
Negotiations with other Governments are in progress for the
improvement and security of our commercial relations.

The policy of reciprocity so manifestly rests upon the principles of
international equity and has been so repeatedly approved by the
people of the United States that there ought to be no hesitation in
either branch of the Congress in giving to it full effect.

This Government desires to preserve the most just and amicable
commercial relations with all foreign countries, unmoved by the
industrial rivalries necessarily developed in the expansion of
international trade. It is believed that the foreign Governments
generally entertain the same purpose, although in some instances
there are clamorous demands upon them for legislation specifically
hostile to American interests. Should these demands prevail I shall
communicate with the Congress with the view of advising such
legislation as may be necessary to meet the emergency.

The exposition of the resources and products of the Western
Hemisphere to be held at Buffalo next year promises important results
not only for the United States but for the other participating
countries. It is gratifying that the Latin-American States have
evinced the liveliest interest, and the fact that an International
American Congress will be held in the City of Mexico while the
exposition is in progress encourages the hope of a larger display at
Buffalo than might otherwise be practicable. The work of preparing an
exhibit of our national resources is making satisfactory progress
under the direction of different officials of the Federal Government,
and the various States of the Union have shown a disposition toward
the most liberal participation in the enterprise.

The Bureau of the American Republics continues to discharge, with the
happiest results, the important work of promoting cordial relations
between the United States and the Latin-American countries, all of
which are now active members of the International Union. The Bureau
has been instrumental in bringing about the agreement for another
International American Congress, which is to meet in the City of
Mexico in October, 1901. The Bureau's future for another term of ten
years is assured by the international compact, but the congress will
doubtless have much to do with shaping new lines of work and a
general policy. Its usefulness to the interests of Latin-American
trade is widely appreciated and shows a gratifying development.

The practical utility of the consular service in obtaining a wide
range of information as to the industries and commerce of other
countries and the opportunities thereby afforded for introducing the
sale of our goods have kept steadily in advance of the notable
expansion of our foreign trade, and abundant evidence has been
furnished, both at home and abroad, of the fact that the Consular
Reports, including many from our diplomatic representatives, have to
a considerable extent pointed out ways and means of disposing of a
great variety of manufactured goods which otherwise might not have
found sale abroad.

Testimony of foreign observers to the commercial efficiency of the
consular corps seems to be conclusive, and our own manufacturers and
exporters highly appreciate the value of the services rendered not
only in the printed reports but also in the individual efforts of
consular officers to promote American trade. An increasing part of
the work of the Bureau of Foreign Commerce, whose primary duty it is
to compile and print the reports, is to answer inquiries from trade
organizations, business houses, etc., as to conditions in various
parts of the world, and, notwithstanding the smallness of the force
employed, the work has been so systematized that responses are made
with such promptitude and accuracy as to elicit flattering encomiums.
The experiment of printing the Consular Reports daily for immediate
use by trade bodies, exporters, and the press, which was begun in
January, 1898, continues to give general satisfaction.

It is gratifying to be able to state that the surplus revenues for
the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900, were $79,527,060.18. For the six
preceding years we had only deficits, the aggregate of which from 1894
to 1899, inclusive, amounted to $283,022,991.14. The receipts for the
year from all sources, exclusive of postal revenues, aggregated
$567,240,851.89, and expenditures for all purposes, except for the
administration of the postal department, aggregated $487,713,791.71.
The receipts from customs were $233,164,871.16, an increase over the
preceding year Of $27,036,389.41. The receipts from internal revenue
were $295,327,926.76, an increase Of $21,890,765.25 over 1899. The
receipts from miscellaneous sources were $38,748,053.97, as against
$36,394,976.92 for the previous year.

It is gratifying also to note that during the year a considerable
reduction is shown in the expenditures of the Government. The War
Department expenditures for the fiscal year 1900 were
$134,774,767.78, a reduction of $95,066,486.69 over those of 1899. In
the Navy Department the expenditures were $55,953,077.72 for the year
1900, as against $63,942,104.25 for the preceding year, a decrease of
$7,989,026.53. In the expenditures on account of Indians there was a
decrease in 1900 over 1899 Of $2,630,604.38; and in the civil and
miscellaneous expenses for 1900 there was a reduction Of
$13,418,065.74.

Because of the excess of revenues over expenditures the Secretary of
the Treasury was enabled to apply bonds and other securities to the
sinking fund to the amount Of $56,544,556.06. The details of the
sinking fund are set forth in the report of the Secretary of the
Treasury, to which I invite attention. The Secretary of the Treasury
estimates that the receipts for the current fiscal year will
aggregate $580,000,000 and the expenditures $500,000,000, leaving an
excess of revenues over expenditures of $80,000,000. The present
condition of the Treasury is one of undoubted strength. The available
cash balance November 30 was $139,303,794.50. Under the form of
statement prior to the financial law of March 14 last there would
have been included in the statement of available cash gold coin and
bullion held for the redemption of United States notes.

If this form were pursued, the cash balance including the present
gold reserve of $150,000,000, would be $289,303,794.50. Such balance
November 30, 1899, was $296,495,301.55. In the general fund, which is
wholly separate from the reserve and trust funds, there was on
November 30, $70,090,073.15 in gold coin and bullion, to which should
be added $22,957,300 in gold certificates subject to issue, against
which there is held in the Division of Redemption gold coin and
bullion, making a total holding of free gold amounting to
$93,047,373.15.

It will be the duty as I am sure it will be the disposition of the
Congress to provide whatever further legislation is needed to insure
the continued parity under all conditions between our two forms of
metallic money, silver and gold.

Our surplus revenues have permitted the Secretary of the Treasury
since the close of the fiscal year to call in the funded loan of 1891
continued at 2 per cent, in the sum of $25,364,500. To and including
November 30, $23,458,100 Of these bonds have been paid. This sum,
together with the amount which may accrue from further redemptions
under the call, will be applied to the sinking fund.

The law of March 14, 1900, provided for refunding into 2 per cent
thirty-year bonds, payable, principal and interest, in gold coin of
the present standard value, that portion of the public debt
represented by the 3 per cent bonds of 1908, the 4 percents Of 1907,
and the 5 percents of 1904, Of which there was outstanding at the
date of said law $839,149,930, The holders of the old bonds presented
them for exchange between March 14 and November 30 to the amount of
$364,943,750. The net saving to the Government on these transactions
aggregates $9,106,166.

Another effect of the operation, as stated by the Secretary, is to
reduce the charge upon the Treasury for the payment of interest from
the dates of refunding to February 1, 1904, by the sum of more than
seven million dollars annually. From February 1, 1904, to July 1,
11907, the annual interest charge will be reduced by the sum of more
than five millions, and for the thirteen months ending August 1,
1908, by about one million. The full details of the refunding are
given in the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury.

The beneficial effect of the financial act of 1900, so far as it
relates to a modification of the national banking act, is already
apparent. The provision for the incorporation of national banks with
a capital of not less than $25,000 in places not exceeding three
thousand inhabitants has resulted in the extension of banking
facilities to many small communities hitherto unable to provide
themselves with banking institutions under the national system. There
were organized from the enactment of the law up to and including
November 30, 369 national banks, of which 266 were with capital less
than $50,000, and 103 with capital of $50,000 or more.

It is worthy of mention that the greater number of banks being
organized under the new law are in sections where the need of banking
facilities has been most pronounced. Iowa stands first, with 30 banks
of the smaller class, while Texas, Oklahoma, Indian Territory, and
the middle and western sections of the country have also availed
themselves largely of the privileges under the new law.

A large increase in national bank-note circulation has resulted from
the provision of the act which permits national banks to issue
circulating notes to the par value of the United States bonds
deposited as security instead of only go per cent thereof, as
heretofore. The increase in circulating notes from March 14 to
November 30 is $77,889,570.

The party in power is committed to such legislation as will better
make the currency responsive to the varying needs of business at all
seasons and in all sections.

Our foreign trade shows a remarkable record of commercial and
industrial progress. The total of imports and exports for the first
time in the history of the country exceeded two billions of dollars.
The exports are greater than they have ever been before, the total
for the fiscal year 1900 being $1,394,483,082, an increase over 1899
of $167,459,780, an increase over 1898 of $163,000,752, over 1897 Of
$343,489,526, and greater than 1896 by $511,876,144.

The growth of manufactures in the United States is evidenced by the
fact that exports of manufactured products largely exceed those of
any previous year, their value for 1900 being $433,851,756, against
$339,592,146 in 1899, an increase of 28 per cent.

Agricultural products were also exported during 1900 in greater
volume than in 1899, the total for the year being $835,858,123,
against $784,776,142 in 1899.

The imports for the year amounted to $849,941,184, an increase over
1899 of $152,792,695. This increase is largely in materials for
manufacture, and is in response to the rapid development of
manufacturing in the United States. While there was imported for use
in manufactures in 1900 material to the value of $79,768,972 in
excess of 1899, it is reassuring to observe that there is a tendency
toward decrease in the importation of articles manufactured ready for
consumption, which in 1900 formed 15.17 per cent of the total imports,
against 15.54 per cent in 1899 and 21.09 per cent in 1896.

I recommend that the Congress at its present session reduce the
internal-revenue taxes imposed to meet the expenses of the war with
Spain. in the sum of thirty millions of dollars. This reduction
should be secured by the remission of those taxes which experience
has shown to be the most burdensome to the industries of the people.

I specially urge that there be included in whatever reduction is made
the legacy tax on bequests for public uses of a literary, educational,
or charitable character.

American vessels during the past three years have carried about 9 per
cent of our exports and imports. Foreign ships should carry the least,
not the greatest, part of American trade. The remarkable growth of our
steel industries, the progress of shipbuilding for the domestic trade,
and our steadily maintained expenditures for the Navy have created an
opportunity to place the United States in the first rank of
commercial maritime powers.

Besides realizing a proper national aspiration this will mean the
establishment and healthy growth along all our coasts of a
distinctive national industry, expanding the field for the profitable
employment of labor and capital. It will increase the transportation
facilities and reduce freight charges on the vast volume of products
brought from the interior to the seaboard for export, and will
strengthen an arm of the national defense upon which the founders of
the Government and their successors have relied. In again urging
immediate action by the Congress on measures to 



William McKinley
President William McKinley
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'Girlfriend' lyrics - Avril Lavigne

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