Presidential Speeches

State of the Union 1965




State of the Union 1965

President Lyndon Johnson
State of the Union 1965-01-04

Speech Transcript:

 On this Hill which was my home, I am stirred by old friendships.

Though total agreement between the Executive and the Congress is
impossible, total respect is important.

I am proud to be among my colleagues of the Congress whose legacy to
their trust is their loyalty to their Nation.

I am not unaware of the inner emotions of the new Members of this
body tonight.

Twenty-eight years ago, I felt as you do now. You will soon learn
that you are among men whose first love is their country, men who try
each day to do as best they can what they believe is right.

We are entering the third century of the pursuit of American union.

Two hundred years ago, in 1765, nine assembled colonies first joined
together to demand freedom from arbitrary power.

For the first century we struggled to hold together the first
continental union of democracy in the history of man. One hundred
years ago, in 1865, following a terrible test of blood and fire, the
compact of union was finally sealed.

For a second century we labored to establish a unity of purpose and
interest among the many groups which make up the American community.

That struggle has often brought pain and violence. It is not yet
over. But we have achieved a unity of interest among our people that
is unmatched in the history of freedom.

And so tonight, now, in 1965, we begin a new quest for union. We seek
the unity of man with the world that he has built-with the knowledge
that can save or destroy him-with the cities which can stimulate or
stifle him-with the wealth and the machines which can enrich or
menace his spirit.

We seek to establish a harmony between man and society which will
allow each of us to enlarge the meaning of his life and all of us to
elevate the quality of our civilization.

This is the search that we begin tonight.

STATE OF THE WORLD

But the unity we seek cannot realize its full promise in isolation.
For today the state of the Union depends, in large measure, upon the
state of the world.

Our concern and interest, compassion and vigilance, extend to every
corner of a dwindling planet.

Yet, it is not merely our concern but the concern of all free men. We
will not, and we should not, assume that it is the task of Americans
alone to settle all the conflicts of a torn and troubled world.

Let the foes of freedom take no comfort from this. For in concert
with other nations, we shall help men defend their freedom.

Our first aim remains the safety and the well-being of our own
country.

We are prepared to live as good neighbors with all, but we cannot be
indifferent to acts designed to injure our interests, or our
citizens, or our establishments abroad. The community of nations
requires mutual respect. We shall extend it-and we shall expect it.

In our relations with the world we shall follow the example of Andrew
Jackson who said: "I intend to ask for nothing that is not clearly
right and to submit to nothing that is wrong." And he promised, that
"the honor of my country shall never be stained by an apology from me
for the statement of truth or for the performance of duty." That was
this Nation's policy in the 1830's and that is this Nation's policy
in the 1960's.

Our own freedom and growth have never been the final goal of the
American dream.

We were never meant to be an oasis of liberty and abundance in a
worldwide desert of disappointed dreams. Our Nation was created to
help strike away the chains of ignorance and misery and tyranny
wherever they keep man less than God means him to be.

We are moving toward that destiny, never more rapidly than we have
moved in the last 4 years.

In this period we have built a military power strong enough to meet
any threat and destroy any adversary. And that superiority will
continue to grow so long as this office is mine-and you sit on
Capitol Hill.

In this period no new nation has become Communist, and the unity of
the Communist empire has begun to crumble.

In this period we have resolved in friendship our disputes with our
neighbors of the hemisphere, and joined in an Alliance for Progress
toward economic growth and political democracy.

In this period we have taken more steps toward peace-including the
test ban treaty-than at any time since the cold war began.

In this period we have relentlessly pursued our advances toward the
conquest of space.

Most important of all, in this period, the United States has
reemerged into the fullness of its self-confidence and purpose. No
longer are we called upon to get America moving. We are moving. No
longer do we doubt our strength or resolution. We are strong and we
have proven our resolve.

No longer can anyone wonder whether we are in the grip of historical
decay. We know that history is ours to make. And if there is great
danger, there is now also the excitement of great expectations.

AMERICA AND THE COMMUNIST NATIONS

Yet we still live in a troubled and perilous world. There is no
longer a single threat. There are many. They differ in intensity and
in danger. They require different attitudes and different answers.

With the Soviet Union we seek peaceful understandings that can lessen
the danger to freedom.

Last fall I asked the American people to choose that course.

I will carry forward their command.

If we are to live together in peace, we must come to know each other
better.

I am sure that the American people would welcome a chance to listen
to the Soviet leaders on our television-as I would like the Soviet
people to hear our leaders on theirs.

I hope the new Soviet leaders can visit America so they can learn
about our country at firsthand.

In Eastern Europe restless nations are slowly beginning to assert
their identity. Your Government, assisted by the leaders in American
labor and business, is now exploring ways to increase peaceful trade
with these countries and with the Soviet Union. I will report our
conclusions to the Congress.

In Asia, communism wears a more aggressive face.

We see that in Viet Nam.

Why are we there?

We are there, first, because a friendly nation has asked us for help
against the Communist aggression. Ten years ago our President pledged
our help. Three Presidents have supported that pledge. We will not
break it now.

Second, our own security is tied to the peace of Asia. Twice in one
generation we have had to fight against aggression in the Far East.
To ignore aggression now would only increase the danger of a much
larger war.

Our goal is peace in southeast Asia. That will come only when
aggressors leave their neighbors in peace.

What is at stake is the cause of freedom and in that cause America
will never be found wanting.

THE NON-COMMUNIST WORLD

But communism is not the only source of trouble and unrest. There are
older and deeper sources-in the misery of nations and in man's
irrepressible ambition for liberty and a better life.

With the free Republics of Latin America I have always felt-and my
country has always felt-very special ties of interest and affection.
It will be the purpose of my administration to strengthen these ties.
Together we share and shape the destiny of the new world. In the
coming year I hope to pay a visit to Latin America. And I will
steadily enlarge our commitment to the Alliance for Progress as the
instrument of our war against poverty and injustice in this
hemisphere.

In the Atlantic community we continue to pursue our goal of 20
years-a Europe that is growing in strength, unity, and cooperation
with America. A great unfinished task is the reunification of Germany
through self-determination.

This European policy is not based on any abstract design. It is based
on the realities of common interests and common values, common dangers
and common expectations. These realities will continue to have their
way-especially, I think, in our expanding trade and especially in our
common defense.

Free Americans have shaped the policies of the United States. And
because we know these realities, those policies have been, and will
be, in the interest of Europe.

Free Europeans must shape the course of Europe. And, for the same
reasons, that course has been, and will be, in our interest and in
the interest of freedom.

I found this truth confirmed in my talks with European leaders in the
last year. I hope to repay these visits to some of our friends in
Europe this year.

In Africa and Asia we are witnessing the turbulent unfolding of new
nations and continents.

We welcome them to the society of nations.

We are committed to help those seeking to strengthen their own
independence, and to work most closely with those governments
dedicated to the welfare of all of their people.

We seek not fidelity to an iron faith, but a diversity of belief as
varied as man himself. We seek not to extend the power of America but
the progress of humanity. We seek not to dominate others but to
strengthen the freedom of all people.

I will seek new ways to use our knowledge to help deal with the
explosion in world population and the growing scarcity in world
resources.

Finally, we renew our commitment to the continued growth and the
effectiveness of the United Nations. The frustrations of the United
Nations are a product of the world that we live in, and not of the
institution which gives them voice. It is far better to throw these
differences open to the assembly of nations than to permit them to
fester in silent danger.

These are some of the goals of the American Nation in the world in
which we live.

For ourselves we seek neither praise nor blame, neither gratitude nor
obedience.

We seek peace.

We seek freedom.

We seek to enrich the life of man.

For that is the world in which we will flourish and that is the world
that we mean for all men to ultimately have.

TOWARD THE GREAT SOCIETY

World affairs will continue to call upon our energy and our courage.

But today we can turn increased attention to the character of
American life.

We are in the midst of the greatest upward surge of economic
well-being in the history of any nation.

Our flourishing progress has been marked by price stability that is
unequalled in the world. Our balance of payments deficit has declined
and the soundness of our dollar is unquestioned. I pledge to keep it
that way and I urge business and labor to cooperate to that end.

We worked for two centuries to climb this peak of prosperity. But we
are only at the beginning of the road to the Great Society. Ahead now
is a summit where freedom from the wants of the body can help fulfill
the needs of the spirit.

We built this Nation to serve its people.

We want to grow and build and create, but we want progress to be the
servant and not the master of man.

We do not intend to live in the midst of abundance, isolated from
neighbors and nature, confined by blighted cities and bleak suburbs,
stunted by a poverty of learning and an emptiness of leisure.

The Great Society asks not how much, but how good; not only how to
create wealth but how to use it; not only how fast we are going, but
where we are headed.

It proposes as the first test for a nation: the quality of its
people.

This kind of society will not flower spontaneously from swelling
riches and surging power.

It will not be the gift of government or the creation of presidents.

It will require of every American, for many generations, both faith
in the destination and the fortitude to make the journey.

And like freedom itself, it will always be challenge and not
fulfillment.

And tonight we accept that challenge.

A NATIONAL AGENDA

I propose that we begin a program in education to ensure every
American child the fullest development of his mind and skills.

I propose that we begin a massive attack on crippling and killing
diseases.

I propose that we launch a national effort to make the American city
a better and a more stimulating place to live.

I propose that we increase the beauty of America and end the
poisoning of our rivers and the air that we breathe.

I propose that we carry out a new program to develop regions of our
country that are now suffering from distress and depression.

I propose that we make new efforts to control and prevent crime and
delinquency.

I propose that we eliminate every remaining obstacle to the right and
the opportunity to vote.

I propose that we honor and support the achievements of thought and
the creations of art.

I propose that we make an all-out campaign against waste and
inefficiency.

THE TASK

Our basic task is threefold: First, to keep our economy growing; --to
open for all Americans the opportunity that is now enjoyed by most
Americans; --and to improve the quality of life for all.

In the next 6 weeks I will submit special messages with detailed
proposals for national action in each of these areas.

Tonight I would like just briefly to explain some of my major
recommendations in the three main areas of national need.

A GROWING ECONOMY

BASIC POLICIES

First, we must keep our Nation prosperous. We seek full employment
opportunity for every American citizen. I will present a budget
designed to move the economy forward. More money will be left in the
hands of the consumer by a substantial cut in excise taxes. We will
continue along the path toward a balanced budget in a balanced
economy.

I confidently predict-what every economic sign tells us tonight-the
continued flourishing of the American economy.

But we must remember that fear of a recession can contribute to the
fact of a recession. The knowledge that our Government will, and can,
move swiftly will strengthen the confidence of investors and
business.

Congress can reinforce this confidence by insuring that its
procedures permit rapid action on temporary income tax cuts. And
special funds for job-creating public programs should be made
available for immediate use if recession threatens.

Our continued prosperity demands continued price stability. Business,
labor, and the consumer all have a high stake in keeping wages and
prices within the framework of the guideposts that have already
served the Nation so well.

Finding new markets abroad for our goods depends on the initiative of
American business. But we stand ready-with credit and other help-to
assist the flow of trade which will benefit the entire Nation.

ON THE FARMS

Our economy owes much to the efficiency of our farmers. We must
continue to assure them the opportunity to earn a fair reward. I have
instructed the Secretary of Agriculture to lead a major effort to find
new approaches to reduce the heavy cost of our farm programs and to
direct more of our effort to the small farmer who needs the help the
most.

INCREASED PROSPERITY

We can help insure continued prosperity through: -a regional recovery
program to assist the development of stricken areas left behind by our
national progress; -further efforts to provide our workers with the
skills demanded by modern technology, for the laboring-man is an
indispensable force in the American system; -the extension of the
minimum wage to more than 2 million unprotected workers; -the
improvement and the modernization of the unemployment compensation
system.

And as pledged in our 1960 and 1964 Democratic platforms, I will
propose to Congress changes in the Taft-Hartley Act including section
14(b). I will do so hoping to reduce the conflicts that for several
years have divided Americans in various States of our Union.

In a country that spans a continent modern transportation is vital to
continued growth.

TRANSPORTATION FOR GROWTH

I will recommend heavier reliance on competition in transportation
and a new policy for our merchant marine.

I will ask for funds to study high-speed rail transportation between
urban centers. We will begin with test projects between Washington
and Boston. On high-speed trains, passengers could travel this
distance in less than 4 hours.

OPPORTUNITY FOR ALL

Second, we must open opportunity to all our people. Most Americans
enjoy a good life. But far too many are still trapped in poverty and
idleness and fear.

Let a just nation throw open to them the city of promise: -to the
elderly, by providing hospital care under social security and by
raising benefit payments to those struggling to maintain the dignity
of their later years; -to the poor and the unfortunate, through
doubling the war against poverty this year; -to Negro Americans,
through enforcement of the civil rights law and elimination of
barriers to the right to vote; -to those in other lands that are
seeking the promise of America, through an immigration law based on
the work a man can do and not where he was born or how he spells his
name.

TO ENRICH THE LIFE OF ALL

Our third goal is to improve the quality of American life.

THROUGH EDUCATION

We begin with learning.

Every child must have the best education that this Nation can
provide.

Thomas Jefferson said that no nation can be both ignorant and free.
Today no nation can be both ignorant and great.

In addition to our existing programs, I will recommend a new program
for schools and students with a first year authorization of $1,500
million.

It will help at every stage along the road to learning.

For the preschool years we will help needy children become aware of
the excitement of learning.

For the primary and secondary school years we will aid public schools
serving low-income families and assist students in both public and
private schools.

For the college years we will provide scholarships to high school
students of the greatest promise and the greatest need and we will
guarantee low-interest loans to students continuing their college
studies.

New laboratories and centers will help our schools-help them lift
their standards of excellence and explore new methods of teaching.
These centers will provide special training for those who need and
those who deserve special treatment.

THROUGH BETTER HEALTH

Greatness requires not only an educated people but a healthy people.

Our goal is to match the achievements of our medicine to the
afflictions of our people.

We already carry on a large program in this country for research and
health.

In addition, regional medical centers can provide the most advanced
diagnosis and treatment for heart disease and cancer and stroke and
other major diseases.

New support for medical and dental education will provide the trained
people to apply our knowledge.

Community centers can help the mentally ill and improve health care
for school-age children from poor families, including services for
the mentally retarded.

THROUGH IMPROVING THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

The City

An educated and healthy people require surroundings in harmony with
their hopes.

In our urban areas the central problem today is to protect and
restore man's satisfaction in belonging to a community where he can
find security and significance.

The first step is to break old patterns-to begin to think and work
and plan for the development of the entire metropolitan areas. We
will take this step with new programs of help for the basic community
facilities and for neighborhood centers of health and recreation.

New and existing programs will be open to those cities which work
together to develop unified long-range policies for metropolitan
areas.

We must also make some very important changes in our housing programs
if we are to pursue these same basic goals.

So a Department of Housing and Urban Development will be needed to
spearhead this effort in our cities.

Every citizen has the right to feel secure in his home and on the
streets of his community.

To help control crime, we will recommend programs: -to train local
law enforcement officers; -to put the best techniques of modern
science at their disposal; -to discover the causes of crime and
better ways to prevent it.

I will soon assemble a panel of outstanding experts of this Nation to
search out answers to the national problem of crime and delinquency,
and I welcome the recommendations and the constructive efforts of the
Congress.

The Beauty of America

For over three centuries the beauty of America has sustained our
spirit and has enlarged our vision. We must act now to protect this
heritage. In a fruitful new partnership with the States and the
cities the next decade should be a conservation milestone. We must
make a massive effort to save the countryside and to establish-as a
green legacy for tomorrow-more large and small parks, more seashores
and open spaces than have been created during any other period in our
national history.

A new and substantial effort must be made to landscape highways to
provide places of relaxation and recreation wherever our roads run.

Within our cities imaginative programs are needed to landscape
streets and to transform open areas into places of beauty and
recreation.

We will seek legal power to prevent pollution of our air and water
before it happens. We will step up our effort to control harmful
wastes, giving first priority to the cleanup of our most contaminated
rivers. We will increase research to learn much more about the control
of pollution.

We hope to make the Potomac a model of beauty here in the Capital,
and preserve unspoiled stretches of some of our waterways with a Wild
Rivers bill.

More ideas for a beautiful America will emerge from a White House
Conference on Natural Beauty which I will soon call.

Art and Science

We must also recognize and encourage those who can be pathfinders for
the Nation's imagination and understanding.

To help promote and honor creative achievements, I will propose a
National Foundation on the Arts.

To develop knowledge which will enrich our lives and ensure our
progress, I will recommend programs to encourage basic science,
particularly in the universities-and to bring closer the day when the
oceans will supply our growing need for fresh water.

THE GOVERNMENT

For government to serve these goals it must be modern in structure,
efficient in action, and ready for any emergency.

I am busy, currently, reviewing the structure of the entire executive
branch of this Government. I hope to reshape it and to reorganize it
to meet more effectively the tasks of the 20th century.

Wherever waste is found, I will eliminate it.

Last year we saved almost $3,500 million by eliminating waste in the
National Government.

And I intend to do better this year.

And very soon I will report to you on our progress and on new
economies that your Government plans to make.

Even the best of government is subject to the worst of hazards.

I will propose laws to insure the necessary continuity of leadership
should the President become disabled or die.

In addition, I will propose reforms in the electoral college-leaving
undisturbed the vote by States-but making sure that no elector can
substitute his will for that of the people.

Last year, in a sad moment, I came here and I spoke to you after 33
years of public service, practically all of them here on this Hill.

This year I speak after 1 year as President of the United States.

Many of you in this Chamber are among my oldest friends. We have
shared many happy moments and many hours of work, and we have watched
many Presidents together. Yet, only in the White House can you finally
know the full weight of this Office.

The greatest burden is not running the huge operations of
government-or meeting daily troubles, large and small-or even working
with the Congress.

A President's hardest task is not to do what is right, but to know
what is right.

Yet the Presidency brings no special gift of prophecy or foresight.
You take an oath, you step into an office, and you must then help
guide a great democracy.

The answer was waiting for me in the land where I was born.

It was once barren land. The angular hills were covered with scrub
cedar and a few large live oaks. Little would grow in that harsh
caliche soil of my country. And each spring the Pedernales River
would flood our valley.

But men came and they worked and they endured and they built.

And tonight that country is abundant; abundant with fruit and cattle
and goats and sheep, and there are pleasant homes and lakes and the
floods are gone.

Why did men come to that once forbidding land?

Well, they were restless, of course, and they had to be moving on.
But there was more than that. There was a dream-a dream of a place
where a free man could build for himself, and raise his children to a
better life-a dream of a continent to be conquered, a world to be won,
a nation to be made.

Remembering this, I knew the answer.

A President does not shape a new and personal vision of America.

He collects it from the scattered hopes of the American past.

It existed when the first settlers saw the coast of a new world, and
when the first pioneers moved westward.

It has guided us every step of the way.

It sustains every President. But it is also your inheritance and it
belongs equally to all the people that we all serve.

It must be interpreted anew by each generation for its own needs; as
I have tried, in part, to do tonight.

It shall lead us as we enter the third century of the search for "a
more perfect union."

This, then, is the state of the Union: Free and restless, growing and
full of hope.

So it was in the beginning.

So it shall always be, while God is willing, and we are strong enough
to keep the faith. 






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