Speech Transcript:

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Since the commencement of the term for which I have been again called
into office no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to me fellow
citizens at large the deep and respectful sense which I feel of the
renewed testimony of public approbation. While on the one hand it
awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate
partiality with which I have been honored by my country, on the other
it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement from which no
private consideration should ever have torn me. But influenced by the
belief that my conduct would be estimated according to its real
motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them,
would support exertions having nothing personal for their object, I
have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the Executive
power; and I humbly implore that Being on whose will the fate of
nations depends to crown with success our mutual endeavors for the
general happiness.

As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the
United States have the most extensive relations there was reason to
apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted and our
disposition for peace drawn into question by the suspicions too often
entertained by belligerent nations. It seemed, therefore, to be my
duty to admonish our citizens of the consequences of a contraband
trade and of hostile acts to any of the parties, and to obtain by a
declaration of the existing legal state of things an easier admission
of our right to the immunities belonging to our situation. Under these
impressions the proclamation which will be laid before you was
issued.

In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to
adopt general rules which should conform to the treaties and assert
the privileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system,
which will be communicated to you. Although I have not thought of
myself at liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes permitted by our
treaty of commerce with France to be brought into our ports, I have
not refused to cause them to be restored when they were taken within
the protection of our territory, or by vessels commissioned or
equipped in a warlike form within the limits of the United States.

It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve, or enforce
this plan of procedure; and it will probably be found expedient to
extend the legal code and the jurisdiction of the courts of the United
States to many cases which, though dependent on principles already
recognized, demand some further provisions.

Where individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves
in hostility against any of the powers at war, or enter upon military
expeditions or enterprises within the jurisdiction of the United
States, or usurp and exercise judicial authority within the United
States, or where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may
have been indistinctly marked, or are inadequate - these offenses can
not receive too early and close an attention, and require prompt and
decisive remedies.

Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by
the judiciary, who possess a long-established course of investigation,
effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it.

In like manner, as several of the courts have doubted, under
particular circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a
nation at peace, and even of a citizen of the United States, although
seized under a false color of being hostile property, and have denied
their power to liberate certain captures within the protection of our
territory, it would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in
these points. But if the Executive is to be the resort in either of
the two last-mentioned cases, it is hoped that he will be authorized
by law to have facts ascertained by the courts when for his own
information he shall request it.

I can not recommend to your notice measures for the fulfillment of
our duties to the rest of the world without again pressing upon you
the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defense
and of exacting from them the fulfillment of their duties toward us.
The United States ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to
the order of human events, they will forever keep at a distance those
painful appeals to arms with which the history of every other nation
abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations which
will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of
weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it;
if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of
our rising prosperity, it must be known that we are at all times ready
for war. The documents which will be presented to you will shew the
amount and kinds of arms and military stores now in our magazines and
arsenals; and yet an addition even to these supplies can not with
prudence be neglected, as it would leave nothing to the uncertainty of
procuring warlike apparatus in the moment of public danger.

Nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the
censure or jealousy of the warmest friends of republican government.
They are incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to
possess a pride in being the depository of the force of the Republic,
and may be trained to a degree of energy equal to every military
exigency of the United States. But it is an inquiry which can not be
too solemnly pursued, whether the act "more effectually to provide for
the national defense by establishing an uniform militia throughout the
United States" has organized them so as to produce their full effect;
whether your own experience in the several States has not detected
some imperfections in the scheme, and whether a material feature in an
improvement of it ought not to be to afford an opportunity for the
study of those branches of the military art which can scarcely ever be
attained by practice alone.

The connection of the United States with Europe has become extremely
interesting. The occurrences which relate to it and have passed under
the knowledge of the Executive will be exhibited to Congress in a
subsequent communication.

When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly
affirmed that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the
causes of dissension with the Indians north of the Ohio. The
instructions given to the commissioners evince a moderation and equity
proceeding from a sincere love of peace, and a liberality having no
restriction but the essential interests and dignity of the United
States. The attempt, however, of an amicable negotiation having been
frustrated, the troops have marched to act offensively. Although the
proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of military preparation,
it is doubtful how far the advance of the season, before good faith
justified active movements, may retard them during the remainder of
the year. From the papers and intelligence which relate to this
important subject you will determine whether the deficiency in the
number of troops granted by law shall be compensated by succors of
militia, or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits.

An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the Executive for peace with
the Creeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn
and with clothing, and offensive measures against them prohibited
during the recess of Congress. To satisfy the complaints of the
latter, prosecutions have been instituted for the violences committed
upon them. But the papers which will be delivered to you disclose the
critical footing on which we stand in regard to both those tribes, and
it is with Congress to pronounce what shall be done.

After they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will
merit their most serious labors to render tranquillity with the
savages permanent by creating ties of interest. Next to a rigorous
execution of justice on the violators of peace, the establishment of
commerce with the Indian nations in behalf of the United States is
most likely to conciliate their attachment. But it ought to be
conducted without fraud, without extortion, with constant and
plentiful supplies, with a ready market for the commodities of the
Indians and a stated price for what they give in payment and receive
in exchange. Individuals will not pursue such a traffic unless they be
allured by the hope of profit; but it will be enough for the United
States to be reimbursed only. Should this recommendation accord with
the opinion of Congress, they will recollect that it can not be
accomplished by any means yet in the hands of the Executive.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

The commissioners charged with the settlement of accounts between the
United States and individual States concluded their important function
within the time limited by law, and the balances struck in their
report, which will be laid before Congress, have been placed on the
books of the Treasury.

On the first day of June last an installment of 1,000,000 florins
became payable on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was
adjusted by a prolongation of the period of reimbursement in nature of
a new loan at an interest of 5% for the term of ten years, and the
expenses of this operation were a commission of 3%.

The first installment of the loan of $2,000,000 from the Bank of the
United States has been paid, as was directed by law. For the second it
is necessary that provision be made.

No pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption
and discharge of the public debt. On none can delay be more injurious
or an economy of time more valuable.

The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to
equal the anticipations which were formed of it, but it is not
expected to prove commensurate with all the objects which have been
suggested. Some auxiliary provisions will therefore, it is presumed,
be requisite, and it is hoped that these may be made consistently with
a due regard to the convenience of our citizens, who can not but be
sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition
to their contributions to obviate a future accumulation of burthens.

But here I can not forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the
transportation of public prints. There is no resource so firm for the
Government of the United States as the affections of the people,
guided by an enlightened policy; and to this primary good nothing can
conduce more than a faithful representation of public proceedings,
diffused without restraint throughout the United States.

An estimate of the appropriations necessary for the current service
of the ensuing year and a statement of a purchase of arms and military
stores made during the recess will be presented to Congress.

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The several subjects to which I have now referred open a wide range
to your deliberations and involve some of the choicest interests of
our common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the
magnitude of your task. Without an unprejudiced coolness the welfare
of the Government may be hazarded; without harmony as far as consists
with freedom of sentiment its dignity may be lost. But as the
legislative proceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be
reproached for the want of temper or of candor, so shall not the
public happiness languish from the want of my strenuous and warmest
cooperation.